Tonga's big spender

A lavish Christian ceremony has been held in the South Pacific island nation of Tonga to celebrate the coronation of king George Tupou the fifth, the first such event in more than 40 years.
The $3m ceremony, held on Friday, has generated controversy on the impoverished island, especially among pro-democracy campaigners.

Al Jazeera's Paul Allen reports

Blood from a stone

Tonga defends lavish coronation

The last king of Tonga?

The tiny island Kingdom of Tonga in the South Pacific is about to make history, by joining the WTO on what are arguably the worst terms ever offered to any country.The appalling terms of Tonga’s accession package show that nothing has changed in the way the world’s smallest and most vulnerable economies are treated as they seek to join the WTO. It is a further demonstration that the fine words of the Doha Development Agenda mean nothing when pitted against the commercial interests of the world’s richest countries.


Tonga has been forced to give up more on tariffs than any of the countries involved in its negotiations to join the WTO, including countries like NewZealand, the USA and the EU, all of whom played active roles in the working party. In fact, its bound tariffs are lower than any other country in the history of the WTO, with the sole exception of Armenia. Tonga will be allowed up to a maximum of 20% tariff on all products.This contrasts with the 350% tariff that the US applies to beef imports, and an equivalent tariff of over 300% that the EU uses to block sugar imports into its market.

o The money to pay for Tonga’s public health, education and other vital services has come largely from import tariffs until this year. Now that it must slash applied tariffs under its terms of accession, it has just introduced radical changes to its tax system to cope with the tariff reductions. If this new system fails to deliver, there is nothing Tonga can do to restore its income from tariffs, because its hands are tied by its WTO commitments so Tonga has committed more in services sectors of vital public interest (like education) than any of the rich countries on the working party and its overall commitments in services are much more extensive than most other developing countries

o The many commitments to “WTO-plus” liberalization of the economy remove most of the policy space Tonga will need if it is ever to emulate now developed countries

o Many of the terms extracted from Tonga are of no benefit to its people (eg changes to the intellectual property regime) and will cost a lot of money to implement, money that will not be available for Tonga’s development needs. Blood form a Stone

See Also

WHO concerned about 'alarming' death rate in Pacific

"Don't believe the hype" - A Cyclone on the Horizion in Tonga

The Tongan Riots 

 US military to move into South Pacific

Add Tonga To The Growing List Of NZ’s Pacific Interventions

 

 

 

"Don't believe the hype" - A Cyclone on the Horizion in Tonga

By Ryan Bodman

Kia Ora Aotearoa Indymedia

You don’t need to be a weatherman to know which way the wind is blowing in Tonga. As King Tupou V Tonga prepares for his coronation in August 2008, the majority of the island’s population waits for a much more fundamental change in leadership: a shift of political power from the king to the people. The arrival of democracy to Tonga is inevitable. However, in what circumstances it arrives remains to be seen. One grassroots pro-democracy activist explained that “Tonga is currently at a crossroads waiting to see which of the two paths the monarchy will take: either they will hear the demands of the people and allow peaceful change or they will ignore the demands and people will be forced to take things into their own hands”.

The Monarchy

With regards to the political situation, there is a clear division between two classes within Tongan society. On the one side you have the monarchy and the nobility who owe their wealth and status to the population but for whom they have nothing but distrust and contempt. Their disdain for the people manifests itself in widespread corruption and within the ruling institutions the powerful abuse and manipulation the rules systemically. These practices continue to thrive despite being exposed by a number of organisations. Siosiua Pooi Pohiva of the Tongan Human Rights and Democracy Movement noted that,

“Over the years they [the Human Rights and Democracy Movement] have uncovered numerous instances of politicians’ abuse of power though generally no form of discipline will occur”.

At the worst the person in question may lose their post but they will reappear shortly afterwards with a new position within the ruling class.

As for the activities of the royal family, their contempt for their ‘subjects’ is quite simply unbelievable. The list of economic follies and wealth accumulation off the backs of the Tongan people is endless. Soldiers have to endlessly patrol the palace, just in case the subjects revolt once more. The coming coronation highlights their level of disdain.

• Tens of millions of pa’angaare being spent to rebuild town in preparation for the coronation which will be attended by many of the King’s acquaintances including Elton John and Sean Connery.
• 500,000 pa’anga has been spent on a crown to replace the already immaculate crown of the King’s late father along with a custom made robe (believed to be worth 500,000 pa’anga).
• Construction of a gold scepter (believed to be worth 50,000 pa’anga)
• Custom tailored attire for the King to wear during the three balls, concert, rugby match and parade which will be part of the festivities.

“All of this” one activist said “while whole families struggle to survive, splitting a tin of fish between eight people for dinner”.

The Movement

On the other side of the political divide is the pro-democracy movement. The movement began in the 1970s when a group of Tongans returned home after living overseas and were confronted by an abusive and opulent regime. They saw it as their responsibility and obligation to challenge and speak out against this malpractice and started to organise and agitate for change. Since those early days the movement has grown and now consists of six of the nine politicians who are popularly elected, the Public Service Association, the Friendly Island Teachers’ Association and is also believed to represent the majority of the Tongan population. The movements support is easily visible in Tonga, where a common bumper sticker proclaims Liliu 2008 - Poupou or Change 2008 - For Sure

Of course just how much support they have is not known as the government refuses to hold a referendum, as it is aware that the result will only expedite their own demise. The pro-democracy movement is currently circumnavigating this obstacle by conducting their own survey to determine the level of support they have and to present the results to the population and the regime to argue for change.

At the same time the movement is biting at the heels of the government, pressuring the government to keep their promise of political reform in 2010. Of course, state promises have been made for many years and movement activists have no illusions that democratisation will be handed down voluntarily by the establishment. But by concentrating activism around pressuring the government the movement is provided with a concrete rallying point and it serves to showcase to the public yet another example of the movement trying to meet the monarchy on it’s own terms.

The Future

The future of Tonga remains unwritten and uncertain. Yet those I have spoken to in Tonga have all been sure of one thing. Democracy, they say, is not a question of “if” but “when”. What is hazier is how?

As the people of Tonga are aware, the island nation is currently at the crossroads. The powerful could choose to take notice of the overwhelming popular demand for democracy and instigate change. This path, according to Mele Amanaki, Secretary General of the Public Service Association, will lead to a referendum next year or in 2010 and will only prove what everyone in Tonga already knows. Following this, the power of government will be shifted from the monarchy to the people. Alternatively, the powerful will continue to defy democracy and the people’s demands. If this is the road the powerful take then the people will take matters into their own hands.

Currently, the organised pro-democracy movement is providing an outlet for people’s anger at the establishment. However, if the organised movement is perceived to be wasting its time, people will channel their rage onto the streets and against the property of the ruling class. As was seen on 16th November ’06, when 60-75% of downtown Nuku’alofa was destroyed, both the pro-democracy movement and the government will be unable to contain the fury of the people. The vacant lots are a visible reminder of that day and night. Some in Tonga wonder whether at this time self-organised popular action akin to the struggle in Nepal in 2006 will occur. This uprising saw strikes, tax boycotts and marches sweep the country and as the security forces failed to regain control, the King had little choice but to relinquish power. Others speculate that political assassinations and direct action violence will force the monarchy to capitulate.

Whichever direction the wind comes from in Tonga over the next few years, it’s easy to see that a storm sits over the horizon. Past the blue skies and tranquil waters of this south Pacific paradise lies the cyclone of rebellion. How and when it hits this country again is the choice of the elite. Democracy now will avert the worst of the devastation. The rest of us must continue to hope and to act, so that when the movement in Tonga finally does reach the end of this stage in their struggle, the democracy they win allows the people to decide their own destiny and to control their future; a real people’s democracy in the Pacific. The people of Tonga deserve nothing less.

see also:

Pasifika Unite Stand Up Fight back

Movie: The Nu Face of Rebellion (Tonga 2006)

The Tongan Riots

The Tongan riot is part of a wider surge in class struggle in the Pacific since 2005. Since this date, Samoa, Tonga, Fiji, New Caledonia and Tahiti have experienced major strikes, and Tonga and the Solomons have experienced riots. More unrest and IMF style riots are likely, as neoliberal market reforms imposed by the IMF and World Bank have savagely cut the living standards of Pacific people, while enriching island elites. Increasingly, island elites lack the resources to control their own population, hence Australia and New Zealand have sent in troops to prop up unpopular regimes and to repress popular movements. It will be interesting to see how this rebellion develops in the Pacific

— Fydd

"If a boat ends up on a reef you don't blame the reef;
you don't blame the boat;
you don't blame the wind;
you don't blame the waves;
you blame the captain."
— Tongan Saying

On Thursday 16 November 2006, riots erupted in Nuku'alofa, the capital of the tiny kingdom of Tonga. Tonga is an archipelago of 170 islands in the South Pacific, about 3,000 km northeast of Sydney and 2,000 km northeast of New Zealand/Aotearoa. After a pro-democracy march ended outside parliament, an irate crowd of possibly 2,000-3,000 took to the streets. As they rampaged through town, they tipped over cars, attacked government buildings, smashed windows, looted businesses and then set them alight. Many people who weren't at the demonstration joined the riot. Amidst the stores, offices and hotels engulfed in flames, the looting gleefully continued. Beaming youngsters darted in and out of stores laden with looted boxes and sacks of goods as blinding waves of fire fell onto the road. For many Tongans, it was like a Christmas give-away bonanza that had come early. By the night's end, the mob had burnt down a remarkable 80% of the Central Business District of Nuku'alofa. Six people were dead, and millions of Pa'anga (the currency of Tonga) damage had been done.

Police stood by, powerless. The cops even asked looters for candles because of a power blackout! However, as the flames became too intense, the looters dispersed, and the government slowly regained control. The government granted itself tough emergency powers. The CBD was cordoned off. Armed cops and soldiers from the Tongan Defence Force patrolled the streets, indiscriminately arresting youth. The Tongan government, fearing that it was facing a revolution, quickly requested armed assistance from Australia and New Zealand to quell its unruly subjects. And so over 150 Australian and New Zealand troops and cops were flown in by their respective governments. After a few weeks, over 570 people were arrested, most of whom were beaten by soldiers and police.

This article looks at the riot itself. It looks at the background to the riot (particularly the massive strike by government workers in 2005), the causes of the riot, the targets of the rioters, and whether it was a class riot or a race riot. Most leftist publications covering the Tongan riots focus on capital's and the state's response to the riots, and tend to overlook the actual activity of the exploited class in Tonga. Perhaps this is because they don't see much radical potential in riots.

This piece doesn't examine why Australia and New Zealand sent in troops to crush the resistance, nor why they have "intervened" in the wider Pacific (both governments have also sent in troops to the Solomon Islands and East Timor). As well, I don't examine the increasingly important imperialist rivalry for control of the markets, resources and populations of the South Pacific between China, Taiwan, the US and Australia/New Zealand (often representing US interests, but not always; sometimes they pursue their own agenda in the Pacific). I recognise these imperialist aspects are essential to a broader understanding of Tonga and the Pacific, yet this isn't the purpose of this article. This doesn't mean I support Australian and New Zealand imperialism (or any other form of imperialism), also known as "peacekeeping," in the Pacific.¹

The main question that I explore in this article is whether the riot was a class riot or an anti-monarchy riot. The riot occurred just after the government, which is run by the King of Tonga, announced the stalling of democratic reform. People attending a pro-democracy rally were outraged, and went off and trashed government buildings and the business interests of the monarchy as a result. This strongly suggests, given the limited information available as to the actual motives of the rioters, that the riot was a "pro-democracy" affair. By pro-democracy, I don't mean direct democracy, such as that of workers' councils. Instead, I mean representative, parliamentary democracy.

Yet, on closer examination, the riot can't be reduced to an episode in the ongoing struggle in Tonga between the rising urban capitalist class, who support representative democracy, and the traditional aristocracy, who wish to retain the monarchy. The riot expressed the class rage of many "commoner" Tongans who've been impoverished by years of neoliberal reform and oppressed by centuries of authoritarian rule. They've been enraged by how the Tongan "royal" family and aristocracy have greatly enriched themselves through privatisation. The riot had some limited anti-capitalist content, especially in the joyful practise of proletarian shopping (also known as looting). The co-operation between thousands of rioters to carry out such a mass shopping expedition is a form of class-based self-organisation or self-activity. The rioters acted for themselves, rather than waiting for representatives to act for them.

Some have claimed the riot was a race riot against recent Chinese immigrants, who dominate the small business sector in Tonga. While the rioters did loot and burn many Chinese businesses, they also burnt down most businesses in Nuku'alofa, regardless of who owned them. Rioters initially targeted government buildings and the business interests of the monarchy rather than Chinese owned stores. Hence the riot can't be called a race riot.

Background: Feudalism, Remittances, Monarchism and all that

Tonga is one of the few surviving feudal monarchies in the world. The "royal" family and the aristocracy — made up of chiefs, who refer to themselves as the "nobility" — own about 75% of the land. The remaining 25% is owned by the government. The rest of the population are called "commoners," or more disparagingly "dirt eaters." Most "commoners" work off small plots of land, which they lease from the "royal" family, chiefly aristocracy and the government. "Royal" and "noble" landlords expect "commoners" to pay free tributes to them, normally in the form of food.

Tonga is often seen as the "friendly islands," a peaceful island paradise of golden beaches and palm trees. Tonga is historically one of the most stable and conservative countries in the Pacific. Traditionally, most "commoner" Tongans have taken to heart the Christian doctrine of humble submissiveness. The church has preached "blind humility and unseeing allegiance [to the aristocracy and monarchy] will open the door to eternal glory." However, many Tongans are overcoming this indoctrination in recent years.

The Tongan economy is based on agriculture. The majority of the population engages in some form of subsistence production of food. About 50% of Tongans produce almost all of their basic food needs through farming and fishing. The only significant industry is the processing of coconuts into copra and desiccated coconut. Tourism provides most of the hard cash. Manufacturing, which is dominated by small industries, only accounts for about 10% of Tonga's GDP. However, an increasing proportion of workers are being employed in manufacturing since the monarchy has progressively "modernised" and monetised the economy. In the 1990s, those employed in manufacturing rose from 3% to 23% of the workforce, while correspondingly those employed in agriculture and fishing decreased from 49% to 34% of the workforce.

Yet Tonga can't be viewed as a simple feudal economy stuck in the past. It has, perhaps, a mixed feudal and capitalist economy. Most Tongans rely on remittances — money sent back home by relatives working abroad. Indeed, a whopping 31% of the Tongan GDP is made up by remittances, the highest proportion of remittances of any country in the world. Only Moldova (27% of GDP), Lesotho (26%), Haiti (25%) and Bosnia & Herzegovina (22.5%) come close (see "Gender, Migration, and Domestic Labor," Prol-Position News, 5 (2006)).

Remittances help pay for Tonga's massive trade deficit. In 2004, Tonga imported $122 million and exported $34 million. According to I. C. Campbell, Tongans mainly use remittances to buy imported consumer goods and cars, and to pay for building "modern" houses with "modern" facilities. As a result, most "commoner" Tongans aren't living at a subsistence level. According to Campbell, in the late 1990s there were 17,000 cars in Tonga, which meant there was one car for about every five Tongans.

Since the early 1970s, land shortages, unemployment and the search for a better life overseas have all contributed to a Tongan diaspora abroad. The major destinations have been New Zealand, Australia and the US. Today, about half of all Tongans live overseas. During the post WWII long boom and labour shortage, capitalists encouraged migrant labour from the Pacific Islands. In 1970, a scheme began whereby Tongans were allowed to migrate temporarily to work in blue-collar employment. Many migrated to Auckland, which has the largest Polynesian population of any city in the world. Capitalists preferred Tongan factory workers because they thought they were hard-workers, sober, reliable, obedient and prepared to do the tedious work that others refused to do (see De Bres et al, 1974). Once the long boom collapsed, the New Zealand government no longer welcomed Pacific (a term which has increasingly replaced the old term "Pacific Island" in recent years) workers. Indeed, they forefully deported many through the infamous police "dawn raids" which began in 1974 under the Labour Government (see De Bres et al 1974 and De Bres and Campbell 1976). In the 1990s, a quota system operated, with stringent entry qualifications.

Today, Tongans who live overseas work largely in unskilled and semi-skilled blue-collar jobs. For example, in New Zealand, Tongans predominantly have factory jobs, such as freezing workers/abattoir workers, or other blue-collar jobs, such as cleaners. These jobs are low-paid by New Zealand standards, but are relatively well-paid by Tongan standards. In 1996, the wage rate for unskilled labour in Tonga was 80c to $1 NZ per hour, while the equivalent rate in New Zealand was almost ten times that.

Despite these remittances, Tonga is a poor country. It has one of the widest gaps between rich and poor in the South Pacific. There are a tiny number of wealthy citizens, as the aristocracy make up less than 1% of the population. The gap has widened considerably since the introduction of neoliberal reforms in recent years. Agricultural output has fallen below its 1980 level. Unemployment is high at 13%, and only a quarter of school leavers can find work. Many attempt to emigrate. In 2003, the Gross Domestic Product per capita was $US2,200. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently claimed that the Tongan economy was on the verge of collapse. Since 1991, GDP has fallen 1.1% per year, compared to a growth rate of 3.1% in Samoa during the same time. So as living standards in Samoa have steadily risen, they have plummeted in Tonga.

Josh Liava'a, a "key pro-democracy campaigner," has said on Niu FM (an Auckland radio station):

• We have people living right in the middle of the rubbish tip, and they share the food with the dogs, the rats, the rodents, the flies and the mosquitoes...There is the no other country in the Pacific that has got that horrendous living condition and situation like some of our people are experiencing in Tonga.

This is one of the more important factors in causing an upsurge in class struggle in Tonga in recent years.

Neoliberalism and privatisation has enriched the "royal" family and the aristocracy enormously. Perhaps fearing their days are numbered with the ever-increasing encroachment of capitalism into Tonga, "royalty" and the chiefly aristocracy have broadened their portfolio. In the past, their wealth was based on owning land. Today, they also own many businesses, including key strategic industries such as electricity and telecommunications. For instance, the King has amassed a personal fortune because he owns Tonga's electricity company, its beer company, one of its mobile phone companies (Tonfon), a cable television company and the rights to Tonga's internet domain name. Princess Pilolevu owns lucrative geo-orbital satellite slots, which were originally given to the Tongan government for its own communication needs. Hence the Princess turned the government's satellite entitlement into her own private satellite communications business, Tongasat. In 2000, the new King George Tupou V, then a prince, tried to sell the genetic information of Tongans to an Australian biotech company. Overall, the "royals" and aristocracy are seen as nepotistic, corrupt, arrogant, aloof and greedy. The current King George Tupou V, who was educated at Oxford University and the Sandhurst military academy, has openly shown his contempt for "commoners."

Yet it's not only the "commoners" who have been alienated by the greed of the aristocracy. The business elite also think that the aristocratic class has unfairly looted the wealth of Tonga. They are bitterly disappointed that neoliberalism has enriched the traditional elite of Tonga rather than themselves. This is worth remembering when the pro-democracy movement is considered later in this article.

Tonga's "royal" family, established in the 19th century under the tutelage of British Methodist missionaries, wields almost absolute governmental power. The King appoints the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister for life. He also appoints the entire cabinet, the Privy Council and the Supreme Court. Parliament or Fale Alea has 30 seats, of which twelve are reserved for the appointed cabinet ministers, nine are selected by the country's 33 "nobles" or chiefs, who acquire their life titles by descent, and only nine ("the people's representatives" or "commoner politicians") are elected by popular vote.

The Tongan aristocracy wasn't imposed by European imperialism. Indeed, Tonga is unique in the Pacific because it was never fully annexed by a European power (Britain had "protectorate" status, or control of Tonga's foreign policy, from 1900 to 1970, when Tonga gained full independence). Although the Tongan aristocracy has adopted many aspects of the European and Japanese aristocratic traditions, it has also strong indigenous roots. It seems that Tongan society before European contact in the 17th century was one of the most hierarchical societies in Polynesia, apart from perhaps Hawaii. Tongan society was broadly divided into three classes:

• (1) the hou'eiki (chiefs), matapule (talking chiefs) and mu'a (would-be talking chiefs)
• (2) the tu'a (commoners)
• (3) the popula or hopoate (slaves)

All titles were heritable. The high chief was known as the Tu'i Tonga, the ancient title for the ruler of Tonga. The Tu'i Tonga were omnipotent monarchs whose very touch rendered an object tapu (sacred). The distinction between commoners and slaves in practice was little, as chiefs could kill, beat or rob commoners without reason or defence.

The 2005 Wildcat Strike and the Pro-Democracy Movement

Resistance to the Tongan regime has been brewing since the 1960s, especially after Tongans returned home with new ideas from abroad. A popular pro-democracy movement emerged in the 1980s, but it has been a very mild movement until recently.² Its main forms of protest have been petitioning the King and holding demonstrations calling for democratic reform. As the King has ignored these pleas, many Tongans have become frustrated with the ineffectiveness of these protests. Hence they have spontaneously turned to more radical forms of protest, including a wildcat strike and rioting in the last few years.

In 2005, the largest and most successful strike in Tongan history took place. It lasted seven weeks, and involved 3,000 government workers. It was a wildcat strike: it wasn't organised by unions; instead, it helped found the Public Services Association (PSA), the union for government workers. Dr. Aivi Puloka, the president of the Public Services Association, has said.

• Before the strike there was no PSA. There was no Trade Union movement. It was just a spontaneous reaction of dissatisfaction with the government...And public servants decided to walk out from work. How was it organised? It was just an announcement and everybody turned up. [Puloka interviewed by Smush and SLM].

Strikes and unions are relatively new in Tonga; according to I. C. Campbell, the first union in Tonga was formed in 1976, and the country didn't experience its first recorded strike by wage-workers (by nurses) until 1980.

The strike blossomed into a popular rebellion against the monarchy. There were daily gatherings of workers and their supporters in Nuku'alofa as well as large protests elsewhere in Tonga. The Tongan community in New Zealand also organised protests, including solidarity demonstrations outside the King of Tonga's New Zealand residence in Auckland. Some demonstrators rammed the gate of the King's residency and scuffles broke out with police and security guards. The strikers and supporters started to demand constitutional reform. Protests reached a peak with one demonstration of 10,000-20,000 people, almost one tenth to one fifth of the Tongan population and the largest march in Tongan history, calling for democratic reform. "Royal" owned houses were torched, government cars overturned, school classrooms wrecked and a petrol bomb thrown at a house owned by business partners of the current King.

The government, fearing an uprising, needed to end the strike. The PSA, whose leadership is closely tied to the major organisation of the "pro-democracy" movement, the Friendly Islands Human Rights and Democracy Movement (HRDM), feared that the strike was threatening to escape its control. Hence it suited both the government and the PSA leadership to end the strike. After 45 days, the strike was won and pay increases between 60-80% were conceded to all "public servants" or government workers.³

The strike caused divisions within the pro-democracy movement. In particular, the strike alienated some of the leadership of the "pro-democracy" movement who think that the monarchy and aristocracy have been inept in managing Tongan workers. The wage increase of almost 80% for government workers "threatens macroeconomic instability," according to Gaurav Sodhi of the Centre of Independent Studies (see Sodhi 2006). Some leaders of the pro-democracy movement, especially those tied to the business community, see the increase as "suicidal" and "unaffordable." They want a neoliberal state that reverses these gains (ie. cuts wages) and prevents rioting from occurring in the future. One reason why they want representative, bourgeois democracy is because they believe the current political set-up has made Tongan workers and peasants too rebellious.

The emerging capitalist class in Tonga, as represented by the Tongan National Business Association, aims to further its own class interests at the expense of Tongan "commoners." They see the feudal monarchy as an unwieldy obstacle to the proper "modernisation" and "liberalisation" of the Tongan economy. Ideally, they would like to see the "royal" and aristocratic monopoly on land ownership abolished, government-owned land privatised, the guarantee that allows every Tongan over 16 to lease 8 acres of government-owned land removed, large-scale agri-business set up and tourist resorts built. This process would force many "commoners" off the land and into wage-slavery in Tonga or overseas. They also want to end strong "restrictions" on commercial agriculture such as "stifling" export licences for export produce. They want to "open up" the Tongan economy to foreign ownership (which is currently prohibited) and the injection of overseas capital.

However, the pro-democracy movement shouldn't be confused with the Tongan National Business Association. For example, the HRDM seems to be a broad, and uneasy, cross-class coalition of workers, unionists, politicians, urban business elites (and expatriate capitalists overseas) and middle-class elements who've been university educated overseas. Information about the HRDM is sketchy. It appears, from the limited information available, that the HRDM's political aims are to get a higher percentage of "commoner" politicians elected in parliament and eventually a constitutional monarch along the lines of Britain. The Trotskyist World Socialist Website claim that its economic aims are to implement the demands of the IMF and World Bank.⁴ Yet it's possible that the WSWS may be confusing the HRDM's economic aims with those of the Tongan National Business Association. The Business Association are involved in the HRDM, but so too are social democrats such as "commoner" politician 'Akilisi Pohiva, who want to "share the wealth" of Tonga. Others involved in the broader pro-democracy movement don't support neoliberal policies, such as the People's Democratic Party, a leftist split from the HRDM.

Yet overall it's important to note that the downfall of authoritarian, bureaucratic regimes in Eastern Europe, Africa and Asia in the 1990s by popular movements often led to the formation of "democratic" regimes that instituted severe neoliberal reforms. That is, there is a strong relationship between the establishment of bourgeois democracy and neoliberal reform (see David Seddon and John Walton, Free Markets and Food Riots).

The Riot. A Pro-Democracy Affair?

Shortly after the strike, King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV died in 2006. He was succeeded by his eldest son, George Tupou V. Tongans expected some democratic reform under the new monarch, especially as the government formed a committee to do so following the 2005 strike. On 16 November 2006, the final sitting day of parliament for the year, a pro-democracy rally of several thousand marched to parliament in Nuku'alofa (population: c.35,000). They demanded that a vote on major democratic reforms take place before the house rose for the year. Yet parliament was adjourned for the year without having made any of the promised reforms. In frustration and anger, over 2,000 people spontaneously set off and rioted.

The rioters were of all ages. Children and the elderly took part. A large minority were women. At times, whole families participated in the looting, wheeling away their goods in supermarket trolleys. It wasn't limited to a few criminal types. Yet most of the rioters were young males. Later news reports blamed the rioting on drunken youth. One Tongan American commented on the Aotearoa (New Zealand) Indymedia website "those who participated in the riots seem to have been rowdy deported misfits from the US. Ex-gang members and scum of society."

The rioters weren't a mindless, drunken mob, indiscriminately looting and burning everything in sight. They targeted specific buildings and businesses. For example, they gutted the headquarters of the Shoreline group of companies, which runs Tonga's electricity company. Shoreline is owned by the King. They also looted and burnt down Tonfon, Tonga's major phone company, also owned by the King. So, it seems, they targeted buildings and businesses closely associated with the King and his government.

In this respect, the Tongan riot resembled the "IMF riots" against neoliberalism that erupted in Africa, South and Central America, and Asia in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s.⁵ Like the IMF riots, the Tongan rioters deliberately targeted specific institutions that they perceived as responsible for their exploitation and degradation. The IMF riots typically targeted government buildings, symbols of international capital and foreign affluence, shopping malls, supermarkets and major retail outlets.

The Tongan riot closely followed this pattern. Rioters attacked government buildings, smashing windows in the Prime Minster's Office and Cabinet Office in Parliament House, the Magistrates Court, the Public Service Commission, and the Ministry of Finance, and overturning numerous government cars, including police cars. They also targeted symbols of international capital, such as the only overseas bank in town, the ANZ bank, and the symbols of foreign affluence, such as the Pacifica Royale luxury hotel, which is owned by King's business associates, the 'Indian Princess' Sefo and Soane Ramanlal. Further, they looted and set ablaze major retail outlets and a shopping complex (including a supermarket) owned by the unelected, royal appointed Prime Minister Feleti Seveli (who has strong links to the pro-democracy movement, and was appointed by the King to appease popular discontent). Overall, most of the symbols of modern capitalism and foreign affluence were attacked, such as banks, cinemas and shopping malls, while more traditional forms of business, such as the Nuku'alofa markets, were left alone.

So it seems to be a clear-cut case that the riot was a pro-democracy rampage. Protesters, frustrated with the autocratic, authoritarian King, as well as the lack of democratic reform, went off and attacked government buildings and the business interests of the monarchy. "Smush," an Indymedia activist from New Zealand who visited Tonga after the riots, has written,

• After seeing downtown Nuku'alofa and talking to various people, I think the riot's roots lie in the people's deep frustration and anger with the government, the nobles, the King and the feudal system as a whole. The riots were targeting government buildings, companies owned by the PM, King and his family and outside the city centre some Chinese and Indian shops...In the city centre, most shops were looted and destroyed and many burnt down (ie. every shop was targeted).

However, this explanation only tells one part of the story. Yes, the riot was caused by a lack of democratic reform. Yet it was also a class riot.

Or a Festival of the Oppressed?

Latu Kolomatangi, of the pro-democracy movement, has said of the class nature of the riot:

• I think on that day [the day of the riot] it was the day of the poor people to get their share from the business people. Seeing people enjoying taking goods out of the shops and burning them made me think of the poor and how they get their share from the business people. For years they collect from the poor. Thursday [the day of the riot] is a day for the poor to take their share from them. [Kolomatangi interviewed by Smush and SLM].

As such, the riot was a day of class revenge by the oppressed: they freely took from the businesses that had been taking and profiting from them. By mass looting, Tongan "commoners" went beyond mere calls for democratic reform. They organised themselves, and took freely what they needed from the stores. Claims that the riot was simply an "anti-feudal" riot are misleading as, like the IMF riots, the Tongan riot didn't revolve around the question of land ownership. It wasn't an explosion of peasant discontent over the lack of land redistribution; like the IMF riots, it was primarily an urban riot of the "urban poor."

The looting was carried out in a carnival atmosphere. One news report said "Laughing and Looting as Tonga's capital burns." An eyewitness to the looting commented, "Most Tongans had smiles on their faces like it was Christmas come early." Footage of the riot taken by European tourists and posted on a website showed a large crowd going about mass, systematic looting. Once one store was cleaned out, it was set alight. What's overwhelming from watching the footage is the carnival atmosphere of the riot — the continual din of laughter, chatter and whooping.

A classic analysis of a riot, namely of the 1965 Watts riot in Los Angeles, was written by Guy Debord of the Situationist International:

• The Los Angeles rebellion was a rebellion against the commodity...Like the young delinquents of all the advanced countries...the Los Angeles blacks take modern capitalist propaganda, its publicity of abundance, literally. They want to possess now all the objects shown and abstractly accessible, because they want to use them. In this way they are challenging their exchange-value...Through theft and gift they rediscover a use that immediately refutes the oppressive rationality of the commodity, revealing its relations and even its production to be arbitrary and unnecessary. The looting of the Watts district was the most direct realization of the distorted principle: 'To each according to their false needs' — needs determined and produced by the economic system which the very act of looting rejects.

Many aspects of Debord's analysis are questionable, such as his distinction between "real" and "false" desires, and "real" and "false" needs. Much of his analysis is dated, as it only applies to the era of "abundance" during the post WWII long boom. Also, looting shouldn't be glorified, as it's clearly a limited form of class-based self-organisation. To state the obvious, rioting is a temporary and spontaneous rampage, a venting of anger, that doesn't offer constructive alternatives. Looting fixes responsibility on the retailer rather than the producer, and is thus limited to the realm of consumption. However, Debord does make a case that looting is a distorted example of communist distribution in action, in that people were taking freely from stores according to their "false" needs.

While it's true most protesters merely wanted representative democracy, their (nascent anti-capitalist) practice during the riot was sometimes ahead of their (democratic) theory. Significantly, most businesses in the CBD of Nuku'alofa were gutted, not just the interests of the "royal" family, aristocracy and Chinese community. The riot happened against the wishes of the leadership of the democracy movement. Journalist Mateni Tapueluelu told the NZ Herald, "They [the protesters] demanded that if the Government did not agree to political reform by 2008, they would do something — nobody knew what they meant," he said. "None of the leading activists or people's representatives were leading this: they tried to stop it but they couldn't stop it." For example, a prominent leader of the democracy movement, politician 'Akilisi Pohiva, went on the radio to urge demonstrators to stop looting and go home. Other pro-democracy politicians made similar pleas. Many figures in the democracy movement distanced themselves from the riot. Osi Maama, editor of the Tonga Times interviewed on the Newstalk ZB radio station immediately after the riots, commented "the thing is...a lot of people wanted to do these damages...[it was] nothing to do with political democratic movement."

As an aside, not only did they burn down most businesses in Nuku'alofa, they also burnt down the offices of the HRDM. The HRDM had their offices upstairs in the Tungi Arcade, which was torched by the rioters. Perhaps by (intentionally or unintentionally) burning down their offices, the rioters recognised that a few democratic reforms or even overthrowing the monarchy and bringing in bourgeois democracy wouldn't really alleviate, let alone abolish, their class exploitation (although the situation is complex, as getting rid of an absolutist monarchy would probably help somewhat, open up some space for further struggle, and give Tongan "commoners" much confidence in their ability to change society). Or perhaps they just wished to burn down a shopping mall. Either way, their practice was ahead of their apparent adherence to representative democracy.

Or a Race Riot?

The Tongan riot, like the rioting in the Solomon Islands in 2006, has been portrayed as an anti-Chinese rampage. Small business, particularly retail establishments on Tongatapu island — the main island of Tonga — is dominated by recent Chinese migrants who arrived under a cash-for-passports scheme that ceased in 1998. According to academic Phil Crocombe, Chinese migrants own 72% of business in Tonga. It's difficult to find exact figures as to how many Chinese live in Tonga. Some say a few hundred, others a few thousand. Tonga is ethnically homogeneous, as Tongans make up 98% of Tonga's population.

Many Chinese owned shops, especially the larger retail establishments, were looted and burnt. But Hu Yeshun, the Chinese Ambassador to Tonga, said in the People's Daily (China) immediately after the riot that "more than 25 percent of Chinese stores [about 30] were looted or burned yesterday, causing big losses to the owners." Yet since the riot set ablaze 80% of Nuku'alofa's CBD, the figure of "more than 25%" of Chinese-owned businesses being destroyed is disproportionately small. So if Yeshun's estimation is true, it suggests that rioters didn't go out of their way to destroy Chinese-owned stores, in contrast to what was reported in most capitalist media reports. Hence labelling the riot as a race riot is false.

Indeed, Indymedia reporters talked to one woman, who saw the rioters refrain from setting alight a few Chinese shops. She said the rioters looked like they were going to loot and burn down four shops, some of which were operated by Chinese. But many people stood in front of the shops to protect them. They managed to persuade the rioters not to burn the shops because it would've destroyed people's houses too. Only one shop was looted and none were burnt. On another occasion, rioters only smashed the windows of a Chinese restaurant.

Overall, while some Chinese businesses were looted, the rioters were driven by class anger rather than race hatred. The main causes of the riot weren't anti-Chinese racism. The main causes of the riot were, as I have argued above, anger with the Tongan feudal class system and the emerging capitalist system in Tonga, as well as frustration with the lack of democratic reform to the monarchical government. A small minority of Tongans dislike the Chinese, but racism doesn't appear to be too deep. Indeed, Smush has suggested that racism is more widespread amongst urban Tongan capitalists (who support the democracy movement) than Tongan urban and rural workers. Smush has written:

I do think that there are some anti-Chinese exponents amongst democracy supporters, particularly in the 'business community.' They say they are angry at the King's 'undemocratic approval' of 400 Chinese immigrants over night. The suggestion of an 'ethnic conflict,' as presented by some of the mainstream/capitalist media, (a) downplays the widely held disgust with the current system (and therefore plays in the hand of the ruling class), and (b) is far from the truth because most Tongan people are friendly, or at least not unfriendly, towards Chinese immigrants.

Conclusions

The Tongan riot was a mixed pro-democracy and class riot. Frustration with the authoritarian monarchy and its lack of democratic reform was the most obvious cause of the riot. That being the case, perhaps the Tongan riot will be just seen as an explosive episode in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Tonga, and thus lacked anti-capitalist content. Yet in looting and burning most businesses in Nuku'alofa, rioters went beyond mere calls for representative democracy and the toppling of the hated feudal system. Dispossessed Tongans targeted institutions they thought were responsible for their impoverishment. As such, "black Thursday," as the riot has been called, was a day of class revenge. Not only is the old feudal establishment in Tonga worried that they might be soon overthrown, the leadership of the pro-democracy movement is worried that many dispossessed Tongans have become too unruly. The leadership of the pro-democracy movement will attempt to channel the rebellion into safe, bourgeois channels, such as parliamentary reform.

The Tongan riot is part of a wider surge in class struggle in the Pacific since 2005. Since this date, Samoa, Tonga, Fiji, New Caledonia and Tahiti have experienced major strikes, and Tonga and the Solomons have experienced riots. More unrest and IMF style riots are likely, as neoliberal market reforms imposed by the IMF and World Bank have savagely cut the living standards of Pacific people, while enriching island elites. Increasingly, island elites lack the resources to control their own population, hence Australia and New Zealand have sent in troops to prop up unpopular regimes and to repress popular movements. It will be interesting to see how this rebellion develops in the Pacific.

Sources:

Braddock, John. "Signs of social and economic crisis across Pacific Island states", 28 Dec. 2005, http://www.wsws.org/articles/2005/dec2005/paci-d28.shtml (and various other articles from that Trotskyist website).
de Bres, Joris, Rob Campbell and Peter Harris, Migrant Labour in the Pacific (1974).
de Bres, J. and Rob Campbell, The Overstayers (1976).
Campbell, I. C. Island Kingdom: Tonga Ancient and Modern (2001).
Capitalist newspaper, radio, web and TV reports of the riot.
Debord, Guy. "The Decline and Fall of the Spectacle-Commodity Economy", Dec. 1965, reprinted in Internationale Situationniste, 10 (March 1966), http://www.bopsecrets-org.pem.data393.net/SI/10.Watts.htm
"Gender, Migration, and Domestic Labor", Prol-Position News, 5 (2006), pp. 6-13, http://www.prol-position.net
Lay, Graeme. Pacific New Zealand (1996).
Smush and SLM, "Revolutionary not Evolutionary — Indymedia Activists report from Tonga", posted 25 Nov. 2006, http://indymedia.org.nz/newswire/display/72090/index.php, & "Abuse in Tongans Prisons", http://indymedia.org.nz/newswire/display/72115/index.php, posted 1 Dec. 2006 & "If a boat ends up on a reef", http://indymedia.org.nz/newswire/display/72103/index.php, posted 29 Nov. 2006 (all of these reports were Aotearoa Indymedia features).
Sodhi, Gaurav. "Tonga Monarchy Needs Modernity", http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0611/S00125.htm, posted 8 Nov. 2006.
Walton, John and David Seddon, eds. Free Markets and Food Riots: The Politics of Global Adjustment (1994).

Endnotes

1. I oppose these "interventions," but that doesn't mean I support Leninist "anti-imperialism," which claims people in countries dominated by foreign powers ought to form nationalist cross-class alliances to kick out the foreign enemy.

2. Most involved in the "pro-democracy" movement don't even want the overthrow of the monarchy, but instead a power-sharing relationship with the King through more "commoner" politicians being able to be elected. The "radicals" want a British style system (a parliament with a constitutional monarch).

3. Although in June 2007 the Tongan government has threatened to refuse to pay the agreed pay increases. In response, the PSA has threatened strikes.

4. See John Braddock, "Newspaper ban exposes growing conflict in Tongan ruling circles," http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/jun2003/tong-j06.shtml, posted 6 June 2003.

5. The IMF riots mostly took the form of food riots in response to price hikes and food shortages caused by the imposition of IMF "structural adjustment policies," but they sometimes took the form of a political demonstration that got out of hand. The Tongan riot was of the latter category.

@nti-copyright :: info@rebelpress.org.nz

Elections in Tonga re-affirm call for change

Nic Maclellan, Austral Policy Forum, 1 May 2008, 08-05A

Introduction

Australian journalist and researcher Nic Maclellan writes that following public protests in the Kingdom of Tonga in recent years, the re-election of key pro-democracy figures in elections last month ensures that “reform of existing political structures will remain high on the agenda”. Tonga, notes Maclellan, “is largely ignored by Australia’s media, except in moments of crisis like 16/11 – even though the deployment of Australian troops and police in support of the Tongan authorities in November 2006 has set a significant precedent for operations by the ADF and AFP in support of the government and monarchy in Tonga.” He concludes that “the Australian government’s attitude to democratic reform in Tonga will be a significant factor in the changes to come.”

Essay: Elections in Tonga re-affirm call for change

On 24 April, over 67,000 voters in the Kingdom of Tonga were registered to vote for nine People’s Representatives for the country’s Legislative Assembly. The 28 men who hold Tonga’s 33 noble titles met the day before, to choose the nine noble members of the Assembly.

The re-election of key members of the Friendly Islands Human Rights and Democracy Movement (FIHRDM) means they will continue to play a central role in debates over reform of the Kingdom’s parliament and constitution - even though they face charges of sedition after major riots in the capital Nuku’alofa in November 2006.

On the main island of Tongatapu, FIHRDM members ‘Akilisi Pohiva (with 11,290 votes), ‘Isileli Pulu (7,048) and Clive Edwards (6,697) easily won the three People’s Representatives (PR) seats. Pohiva and Edwards even increased their tally in comparison to the last election in 2005. 'Uliti Uata retained his Ha’apai No.1 PR seat, with the Ha’apai No.2 PR seat going to Teisina Fuko of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). However Lepolo Taunisila, the only female PR in the last parliament, lost her seat in the Niua electorate along with PRs in other outer island constituencies.

In the nobles’ election on 23 April, the former speaker of the Legislative Assembly Hon. Tu’iha’angana lost his place on Ha’apai to Hon Tu’ipelehake (the King's cousin). Hon. Fielakepa (a former Lord Chamberlain) and Hon. Ma'afu (a former aide de camp to the monarch) both won seats on Tongatapu.

The PR results were a surprise for many commentators who had predicted that voters would punish the pro-democracy movement because of their alleged involvement in the events of “16/11” – when rioting and arson in Nuku’alofa led to widespread destruction of businesses and public buildings in the central business district on 16 November 2006. As well as over 800 young people charged with criminal offences, a number of People’s Representatives were charged with sedition and other offences in the aftermath of the riots. After initial hearings in 2007, the sedition trials for Pohiva, Pulu, Edwards, Uata and Taunisila have been postponed until August this year, following the coronation of King Siaosi (George) Tupou V, who acceded to power after the death of his father Taufa’ahau Tupou IV on 11 September 2006.

Pohiva and other FIHRDM members won support on Tongatapu through longstanding personal ties at village level, campaigning through kava clubs and community associations. They capitalised on public concern over a mixture of issues, including rising prices, the introduction of new vehicle taxes, the government’s restrictions on pre-election broadcasting on the state-run Tonga Broadcasting Commission, and recent Cabinet decisions (including the retention of the Minister of Tourism after allegations of corruption, and the forced resignation of the Minister of Finance).

With the re-election of Pohiva and other pro-democracy figures, reform of existing political structures will remain high on the agenda. Pohiva and other PRs can still lose their seats if convicted of sedition, but issues of leadership and representation in government remain central to public life in the Kingdom. The King and nobles recognise that change is still on the agenda - after the elections, spokesman for the nobles Hon. Luani told the Matangi Tonga news service that the elected nobles all have adequate skills and experience “vital for an active participant who will be discussing the political reform issues in Parliament.”

Political reform

A major public service strike in 2005 and the 2006 riots are a reflection of broader movements for change in the Kingdom.

Tongan society is highly stratified by rank and lineage, with a monarch who has wide-ranging authority over customary and contemporary governance. The King is supported by a hereditary group of estate holders, the nopele or nobles, with power over both resources (especially land) and opportunities for monopolies or privileges in the business sector. Tonga has a highly centralised political system under the monarchy, which retains executive power without many of the conventions that restrain a ruler in other constitutional monarchies. The 1875 Tongan Constitution reinforces the power of the monarch and nobility through provisions on succession, inheritance laws, land tenure etc. As well as the powers detailed in the Constitution, the King has significant authority derived from his rank in traditional chiefly descent.

A crucial – and controversial – feature of Tonga’s parliamentary system is that the executive Cabinet is responsible to the King rather than the legislature. The Prime Minister and Cabinet members are currently appointed by the King rather than chosen by and from Members of Parliament. The Cabinet runs day to day government affairs, but the King chairs the Privy Council as the highest executive authority, which includes the Prime Minister, Ministers of the Crown and the two Governors of the outer islands of Vava’u and Ha’apai. Under the Constitution, the King retains extensive powers and can act unilaterally without the advice of Ministers: to make treaties, veto legislation, summon or dissolve the Assembly and declare martial law.

For many years, Tonga’s democracy movement has proposed changes to representation in the parliament, a unicameral Legislative Assembly with 32 seats:

• 14 seats for cabinet ministers sitting ex officio
• nine seats for nobles elected by their peers
• nine People’s Representatives (PRs) elected by popular vote.
  

The call for political change has been influenced by events since the 1980s, including mismanagement of the public service, allegations of corruption by members of government and the Royal family, and evidence of poor policy decisions. Even in a conservative, Christian society, democracy campaigners like ‘Akilisi Pohiva have won support because of frustration that there are limited avenues for participation in governance – even the Kingdom’s current Strategic Development Plan acknowledges that there is “widespread dissatisfaction with the accountability, transparency and predictability of government.”

Public protests on a range of issues have increased in recent years: in mid-2005 there were mass rallies over the King’s business investments in the Shoreline company (which controls the privatised electricity system); a farmers’ protest over the new consumption tax; and a 10,000 strong rally calling for the dismissal of the then Prime Minister, Prince Ulukalala Lavaka ‘Ata (the younger brother of the current King). A six-week public servants strike in July – September 2005 led to significant pay increases. By the end of the dispute, which had begun on industrial issues, strikers were raising issues related to political and constitutional reform, and even calling for the resignation of the Prime Minister.

Prince Lavaka ‘Ata resigned as Prime Minister in 2006, leading to the appointment by the King of Feleti (Fred) Sevele, the first commoner ever to hold the position. Sevele, a leading businessman in Tonga, had been a supporter of the pro-democracy movement for many years when he was appointed as Prime Minister – however his relations with the FIHRDM soured over the next two years.

In spite of ‘Akilisi Pohiva’s call for faster change, the Tongan government actively defends its record on reform. In October 2004, the late King had approved the creation of the National Committee of the Kingdom of Tonga on Political Reform (NCPR), which co-ordinated a series of meetings in Tonga and overseas on potential reform of Parliamentary and political structures and on broader economic and social issues of concern. Under recent governments, there have been significant changes, including the first woman appointed as a Cabinet minister in 2006 and the launching of a review of land laws for women. The government has created new institutions such as an Anti-Corruption Commission, a Public Service Commission and introduced changes to the Nationality Act to allow dual citizenship.

On the accession to power of the new monarch in 2006, the Office of the Lord Chamberlain issued a statement that the new King had expressed his support for gradual reform based on “extensive public consultation”, that the monarchy would be “an agent of change” and that he would accept advice from Parliament about the choice of Prime Minister and that “Cabinet ministers now come to office only on the advice of the Prime Minister rather than through the exclusive power of the Monarch.”

Since then there has been ongoing public debate about reform to the parliament and constitution. Following the consultations of the NCPR, a subsequent Tripartite Committee chaired by the noble Hon. Luani and the political debate around 16/11, proposals for parliamentary and constitutional reform are now scheduled to be implemented by 2010. These include plans for the accountability of government to the legislature, as well as proposals to increase to 17 the number of PRs to be elected to the Legislative Assembly, together with nine nobles and four nominees of the King.

These changes come at a time when many Tongans seek greater access to information, and improved communication by government to citizens. The Tongan Constitution promotes freedom of the press, with the liberty of all people to speak, write and print their opinions. But in practice, the democracy movement and media have struggled for more than twenty years to protect freedom of expression, with the newspaper Taimi ‘o Tonga and ‘Akilisi Pohiva’s news sheet Kele’a facing repeated bans and defamation suits.

Faced with lively – and often defamatory – debate around the kava bowl and on the Internet, the Sevele government moved to regulate the state media in the lead up to the 2008 elections. The board of the Tonga Broadcasting Commission (TBC), chaired by the Prime Minister, imposed pre-election bans on TBC journalists presenting programs with candidates’ speeches, in an attempt to control the messages of candidates.

Traditional respect paid to people of rank and lineage has long reinforced support for the monarchy and nobility in Tonga. But there are countervailing influences, with Tongan families interconnected to a global diaspora through “transnational corporations of kin” and modern communications technology. The scale of the turn-out for this year’s coronation in late July and August will be a signal of popular attitudes towards reform.

Economic reform and workers’ resistance

Political debate has been accompanied by more controversial changes to the economy. A key plank of the Sevele government’s agenda has been public sector reform and promotion of the private sector as a way of addressing the Kingdom’s economic woes. With weak service delivery in key sectors like water, health and transport, the Sevele government responded with a major program to restructure and downsize the public service. Major reforms include the creation of new national integrity systems, attempts to corporatise and privatise public utilities and accession to the WTO and regional trade agreements.

But there is ongoing struggle over who will bear the cost of these policies, at a time when there have been significant price rises for basic goods and services, including bread prices, electricity and school fees (in February, electricity prices rose 20 per cent for consumers on Tongatapu, and up to 23 per cent in the outer islands).

The drive for public sector reform has been widely criticised for its pace, lack of consultation and for failing to meet social objectives. Civil society leaders, while acknowledging the need to improve the public service, have raised concern that the reform process is too focussed on costs rather than social outcomes. Union leaders were critical of the government’s voluntary redundancy program in 2006, where over 800 people including many skilled teachers and health workers left the public service.

Redundancies in the public service and the corporatisation of key public utilities have not necessarily meant improved service delivery. Privatisation of government-owned companies has been slow with few overseas buyers, and the government is currently considering re-purchase of electricity generation and distribution, which has been run by Shoreline (a company owned by the King and business associates). The country does not have the regulatory capacity to control the behaviour of private sector operators, a problem compounded where members of the Royal Family have major investments in public utilities like energy, transport and telecommunications (When the King acceded to power in 2006, the Lord Chamberlain announced that he would dispose of “all his commercial interests in Tonga…in conformity with the obligations and demands of his high office”, but this process is still incomplete).

In a country with constrained economic options and limited natural resources, Tonga’s economy is reliant on significant diaspora populations in New Zealand, Australia and the United States. Overseas Tongans play a crucial role in improving household livelihoods through provision of remittances in cash or goods - in 2006, remittances amounted to an estimated 32.3 per cent of Tonga’s GDP, the largest percentage for all countries in East Asia and the Pacific.

Tonga, Samoa and Kiribati were the first Pacific countries to be visited by the Rudd government’s new Parliamentary Secretaries for Aid (Bob McMullen) and Pacific Island Affairs (Duncan Kerr) - a significant signal that small island states would not be forgotten by the Australian government.

But Tonga is largely ignored by Australia’s media, except in moments of crisis like 16/11 – even though the deployment of Australian troops and police in support of the Tongan authorities in 2006 has set a significant precedent for operations by the ADF and AFP in support of the government and monarchy in Tonga. Ongoing training operations for police (and also the proposed paramilitary Corps of Watchmen) have important human rights implications, following a series of allegations after 16/11 that detainees had been mistreated and beaten by Tongan soldiers and police officers.

The Rudd government is developing new policies on climate change, seasonal workers, labour mobility and development aid, all of which impact on the Kingdom of Tonga. With its greater focus on Papua New Guinea and RAMSI in Solomon Islands, the Australian government’s attitude to democratic reform in Tonga will be a significant factor in the changes to come, as the April 2008 elections have signalled that the pace of change in the Kingdom will escalate in coming years.

Acknowledgement

Nic Maclellan visited Tonga in February 2008 as a researcher for the Australian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (ACPACS) of the University of Queensland.

About the author

Nic Maclellan has worked as a journalist, researcher and development worker in the Pacific. He is the project researcher for the Nautilus Institute Australian Forces Abroad Briefing Books Australia in Solomon Islands, Australia in Tonga, and Australia in the Pacific Islands. He is the author of La France dans le Pacifique - de Bougainville a Moruroa (Editions la Decouverte, Paris, 1992), After Moruroa - France in the South Pacific, (with Jean Chesnaux) (Ocean Press, 1997), Louise Michel: Rebel Lives, (Ocean Press, 2004), Australian neo-colonialism in the Pacific: Human Rights implications, (Castan Centre for Human Rights Law, 2003), and Kirisimasi (with Losena Tubanavau-Salabula and Josua M. Namoce and Pacific Concerns Resource Centre, (PCRC, Suva, 1999), a history of the Fijian soldiers and sailors who witnessed Britain's nuclear tests in the Pacific in the 1950s.

see also:

http://uriohau.blogspot.com/2008/03/tonga-new-deep-sea-bed-mining.html
http://uriohau.blogspot.com/2007/12/add-tonga-to-growing-list-of-nzs.html
http://uriohau.blogspot.com/2007/10/us-military-to-move-into-south-pacific.html

Add Tonga To The Growing List Of NZ’s Pacific Interventions

Peace Researcher 33 ran a detailed account of New Zealand’s rapidly developing role as the deputy to George Bush’s Australian deputy sheriff in the Asia/Pacific region (November 2006, “The Deputy Sheriff’s Deputy: New Zealand’s Military Foreign Policy in Asia & Pacific”, by Murray Horton, which can be read online at http://www.converge.org.nz/abc/pr33-138.html ).This described the intervention by the Australian and NZ military and police in both Timor Leste and the Solomon Islands in 2006, in both cases responding to a “crisis” and in both cases taking a partisan stance in each countries’ internal politics.

In the case of Timor Leste (formerly East Timor) the Australasian military intervention played a crucial role in removing Mari Alkatiri from the office of Prime Minister, because he was deemed inimical to the interests of the Western powers. He was replaced by Jose Maria Horta, a veteran Timorese political figure who is now very much part of “our team” in Timor Leste (thus continuing a three decades long inglorious history of New Zealand behaving shabbily towards the East Timorese people. Elsewhere in this issue you can read Jeremy Agar’s review of Maire Leadbeater’s “Negligent Neighbour”, the definitive book on the subject).

This intervention has continued, unbroken, into 2007 and provided crucial backing for Horta’s election as the fledgling nation’s second President this year. Upon winning, he promptly declared that he wanted the Australian and New Zealand troops to stay on indefinitely. The Howard and Clark governments are happy to oblige. And the Australasian deployment in the deeply troubled Solomon Islands has been extended through until 2008, despite the increasingly antagonistic relationship between its Government and that of Australia, which seeks to administer the Solomons as a colony in all but name.

Most recently Australia has extended its military sphere of influence further north into Asia, signing a May 2007 Status of Forces Agreement with the Philippines. This will allow Australian troops to be stationed in that country from 2008 and will see Australian military assistance to the Armed Forces of the Philippines which have been fighting two major civil wars since the 1970s - against Muslim separatist guerrillas in the South and against Communist guerrillas throughout most of the archipelago. This is only the second such Agreement that the Philippines has signed, the first one being with the US, its former colonial master (the Philippine government is proud to be called America’s “most reliable ally” in South East Asia and George Bush has declared the country the “Second Front in the ‘War On Terror’”).

New Zealand has not been standing idly by. In November 2006 it added Tonga to the list of Pacific neighbours in which it has militarily intervened. This arose from the crisis following the massive rioting and burning which destroyed a significant proportion of Tonga’s capital, Nuku’alofa, killing several people in the process. Tonga is the one of the world’s last feudal monarchies, certainly the last in the Pacific, and the excesses of the Royal Family have been chronicled by the outside world in recent years with a mixture of incredulity and outright horror. King George Tupou V succeeded his late father in 2006, bringing to the throne the man known as the Clown Prince, the worst possible person to be in charge of Tonga as it has been shaken by a years-long peaceful mass protest movement calling for democracy. The November 2006 riot erupted after the King’s handpicked Parliament adjourned for the year without addressing the democracy movement’s concerns.

But the violence was something completely new and totally out of character with the history of the pro-democracy movement. Only one mainstream NZ journalist, Michael Field, explained just who these rioters were (Press, 27/1/07; “Urban gangs wreak havoc in islands”). They were not from the pro-democracy movement, but hardened members of criminal youth gangs from both the US and NZ who had been either deported to their country of origin or sent back there by their families in a misguided attempt to get them away from bad influences. Many of them were not even Tongan-born but of Tongan descent, born in the US or NZ. Once back “home” they resumed their intimidatory habit of forming into gangs and terrorising their host community. These were the lumpen proletariat elements who rioted, looted and burnt Nuku’alofa, doing it not for any political motive but for the sheer malicious thrill of it all.

The new King and the nobles who dominate the Government wasted no time in taking advantage of this golden opportunity to smear and attack the pro-democracy movement, falsely blaming it for the riot and arresting its leading figures on sedition charges (hundreds of rank and file rioters also face a raft of criminal charges). The feudal regime’s hand was greatly strengthened by Australia and NZ rushing to its assistance, sending both troops and police to “restore order” and to track down and bring to trial those involved in the riot. NZ judges were also involved in helping to manage the resulting huge upsurge in caseload for the courts. This goes far beyond “restoring order” and is a major commitment by New Zealand to prop up Tonga’s repressive feudal regime, despite having regularly condemned it in recent years. This did not go unnoticed by the feisty pro-democracy movement, which condemned the partisan involvement of Australian and New Zealand troops and police. Clive Edwards, a Tongan politician, said: “Tonga’s government, legitimate and legal though it may be, has failed the country and its people badly and now must turn to foreign governments for support in running the country in ways that have never been necessary before and should not be necessary now” (Press, 22/11/06, “Stop backing regime, troops told”, Dan Eaton).

A pattern has emerged. Initially these regional Australasian military interventions are justified by some life or death crisis (such as Indonesian troops and militias running amok in their East Timor colony in 1999; or Solomon Islander mobs burning down Chinatown in the capital, Honiara, in 2006). But the troops and police stay on long after the crisis has been solved and become major partisan participants in local politics, invariably to ensure that Western interests (such as control of hotly disputed offshore oil and gas deposits in the case of Timor Leste) are given primacy. This has got nothing to do with “aid”, let alone “development”. It is a shabby tale of mini-imperialism by Bush’s two regional Mini Mes, namely Howard and Clark. It replicates the pattern established by Howard in Iraq and Afghanistan, and by Clark in the latter (NZ’s “feelgood” military participation in the illegal occupation of Iraq turned out to be shortlived and ended ignominiously before things got really bad for “our boys”). In Timor Leste, the Solomons and Tonga, Clark needs to do what she had to do it Iraq – get NZ’s troops out. They have no business being there and their continued presence makes New Zealanders complicit in a very shabby regional state of affairs.

http://www.converge.org.nz/abc/pr34-147a.html

see also:
http://uriohau.blogspot.com/2007/10/us-military-to-move-into-south-pacific.html

Tongan Brother Taken Down by System

Till today much of the spin and "analysis" fails to mention that Tonga was subject to one of the harshest WTO accession pro grammes ever,

Tonga has been pursuing membership of the WTO and expected to sign up at the Hong Kong ministerial in December. The New Zealand government has been supporting the process. Amongst many other things forming part of its accession to the WTO, Tonga is offering to open up much of its service sector to foreign competition. This includes sectors such as air transport, hospitals, broadcasting, all forms of education, sewage and sanitation, financial services, construction, as well as business and professional services such as lawyers and accountants. This goes way beyond the commitments other WTO members, such as New Zealand, have made
Sam Buchanan http://snap.enzyme.org.nz/2005_11_01_archive.html

Mass organising and protests in Tonga not only for democracy, but for a decent society not one socially and economically stripped to the bone for the dogs of neo liberalism. Respect to Ma'ake. take it easy bro. Happening days before the g20, the Tongan Uprising saw the loss of at least 18 young Tongan lives. making the g 20 that followed in Melbourne a tea party in comparison.

A Tongan man who was earlier found guilty of participating in the November 2006 riot that burned down much of Nuku'alofa's business district has been sentenced to seven years in jail, the government Web site Tonga Now reports.

Chief Judge Anthony Ford yesterday sentenced Ma'ake Kali, who had been found guilty by a jury of one count of riotous assembly and one count of destruction of a building arising from a riotous assembly.

Kali's case was the first time a Tonga jury had found a defendant guilty in a case related to the 2006 riot.

http://www.tonga-now.to/Article.aspx?Mode=1&ID=3836

ARSON CHARGE AGAINST HARDLINE TONGAN PROTESTOR DROPPED

Date: 26 July 2007

Auckland 6am: Tonga's most militant pro-democracy advocate has been cleared of arson charges related to the King's Epsom residence.

Ailani Taione has instead agreed to the charge of wilful damage for running his burning car through the gates of Atalaga.

Authorities have now dropped the arson charge.

But Taione says he's not dropping his campaign for reform for the Kingdom.

Taione says he'll now focus on supporting the PSA's pending strike as opposed to backing the Government's new tripartite committee on reform. (listen)

http://niufm.com/site_resources/library/News/Lito/A0_JUL2607/taione.............7am..............2677.mp3

The pro-democracy movement have three representatives on the tripartite committe, including Aikilisi Pohiva and Clive Edwards, but Taione doubts its authenticity. (listen)

http://niufm.com/site_resources/library/News/Lito/A0_JUL2607/taione_with_lito_second_clip.mp3

The hardline protestor last year ran his burning car through the gates of the King's Auckland residence, Atalaga, saying it was in protest at the elderly monarch, Taufa'ahau Tupou IV, turning a blind eye to the pain of the people.

He was fined $500, plus court costs, earlier this week.

Documenting the treatment of detainees and prisoners by security forces in the kingdom of Tonga

This report was written in May 2007. It has 80 pages and was written by the Community Para-legal Taskforce on Human Rights.

Foreword

The Community Para-legal Taskforce advocates for the protection of the human rights of ALL Tongan citizens, even those alleged to have committed criminal offences. This is a fundamental of our society under the Constitution, the Laws of Tonga and Tonga’s
international law obligations.

The Community Para-legal Taskforce is currently preparing a number of reports on human rights issues emerging from the civil unrest in Nuku’alofa on Thursday 16th November 2006.

This report is the first in this series.

This report documents allegations of ill-treatment of detainees and prisoners by members of the Tonga Police Force and Tonga Defence Service.

Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment is prohibited at all times and in all circumstances under international law. Not only is this a requirement under the international human rights conventions to which Tonga is a party, but as a member of the international community, Tonga is bound by the rule of customary international law, which recognises the prohibition of torture and ill treatment as binding on all states whether or not they are parties to treaties which contain the prohibition.

This prohibition is a fundamental value of a democratic society and is absolute in terms that no derogation is permissible even during war or in the event of a public emergency threatening the life of a nation.

The Government and the people of the Kingdom of Tonga must stand tall to protect the moral values of society and respect for the inherent dignity of the human being despite the feelings of anger, revenge and disappointment that we may hold towards the alleged perpetrators of the destruction of Nuku’alofa on 16th November 2006.

The Community Para-legal Taskforce strongly supports the Government of Tonga in its efforts to rebuild Nuku’alofa in accordance with the rule of law and is committed to working with the Government and communities in this respect. The Community Para-Legal Taskforce hopes that the findings of this report will serve as a starting point to commence and further a range of strategies and programs to improve the rights and welfare of persons arrested and detained by Security Forces.

http://indymedia.org.nz/usermedia/application/4/documenting_the_treatment_of_detainees_and_prisoners_by_security_forces_in_tonga_1_.pdf

KELEA EDITOR NAILS MEDIA FREEDOM AWARD

John Laman & Tavake Fusimalohi

Date: 28 May 2007
Auckland 6pm: One of Tonga's most experienced....and hard-hitting journalists.....has been awarded the 2007 Pacific Media Freedom Award.

Tavake Fusimalohi is the editor of the Kelea newspaper, the paper which has been leading the charge against Government and the establishment.....


Fusimalohi and his team were the first to expose the human rights abuse by police and military after the Black Thursday Riots...

But the editor has been exposing irregularities in the Kingdom for years now...

Tavake Fusimalohi, whose been charged for sedition in the latest run of charges the government's handing out after the Nukualofa riots, was invited to the PINA fono in Honiara but was not allowed to leave Tonga

Soldiers close Kele'a newspaper

Title -- 5125 TONGA: Soldiers close Kele'a newspaper
Date -- 13 February 2007
Byline -- None
Origin -- Pacific Media Watch
Source -- Pacnews/IFEX 12/2/07
Copyright - P/I
Status -- Unabridged


TONGAN SOLDIERS CLOSE DOWN KELE'A NEWSPAPER
pacnews@connect.com.fj

NUKU'ALOFA (Pacnews/IFEX/Pacific Media Watch) - Tongan soldiers forced the closure of the pro-democracy newspaper, Kele'a, last night, without any explanation, according to newspaper editor Tavake Fusimalohi.

In an email to PACNEWS this morning, Fusimalohi said the soldiers only told his employees that the decision came from the military commander, Brigadier General 'Uta'atu. He said the decision was arbitrary and amounted to censorship of the Kelea newspaper.

"This is a blatant breach of natural justice because there was no prior notice to close down the newspaper on Sunday. As such, Kangaroo Justice has arrived in Tonga," Fusimalohi said.

A check at the newspaper confirmed that the employees closed the office yesterday evening but completed production of the newspaper after midnight, PACNEWS was told.

For the past two years, Fusimalohi said the newspaper has been working every Sunday to meet its Monday morning deadline for printing in Auckland.

"The action by the military will go on for sometime as long as the Kele'a newspaper is critical of the government and exposes corrupt practices in the public sectors.

Kele'a has always been critical of the government for the last two decades. It was founded by leading reformist in Tonga, 'Akilisi Pohiva, in July 1986.

PACNEWS understands that the newspaper's latest edition was going to expose confidential documents that exposes a request for an urgent referendum by a Tongan cabinet minister to Prime Minister Dr Feleti Sevele.

Tension in Tonga over state of emergency

Listen:
http://www.abc.net.au/reslib/200704/r140328_482426.mp3

Correspondents Report - Sunday, 29 April , 2007
Reporter: Graeme Dobell
TANYA NOLAN: Tonga is still grappling with the social and legal fallout of the riot that tore through its capital last November.

The political argument is about the power held by the King and the nobles in a system of government that has medieval echoes.

The leader of Tonga's pro-democracy movement has called for the immediate lifting of the state of emergency imposed in November, and a quick timetable for the handover of power by the King.

Akilisi Pohiva says the King of Tonga is on a different planet from his people, and Tonga has waited far too long for change.

He was speaking in Canberra, giving the annual address of the Centre for Democratic Institutions, as Graeme Dobell reports.

GRAEME DOBELL: After two decades pushing for the handover of power from the monarchy, Akilisi Pohiva is sceptical about promises of change from the top in Tonga.

AKILISI POHIVA: What we have learned from history is that monarchy is a monarchy. They never surrender their power.

GRAEME DOBELL: Mr Pohiva says there's no sign of early action or a time frame for change by the King, who still holds much of the power in the constitutional monarchy created more than 130 years ago.

The democracy leader says Tonga is unsure about the intentions of the new King who's just come to the throne.

AKILISI POHIVA: But the problem is the Prime Minister… that the King is still very powerful, the Prime Minister is accountable to the King, and whatever the King says the Prime Minister will follow suit. And that's the problem.

We don't really know what is in the mind of the new King. He's still single, he's very much involved in business, he has a very strong business interest, he's living in his own planet, too far removed from reality, he doesn't understand his people. That is problem.

GRAEME DOBELL: The riots and arson in the capital, Nuku'alofa, on November 16 destroyed much of the central business district and caused a number of deaths. The Tongan Government has imposed a state of emergency, which allows it control the roads, detain suspects and prohibit meetings of more than five people.

Mr Pohiva says it's time to lift the state of emergency.

AKILISI POHIVA: Representatives of the people do not have access to the media. We can have meetings, but not more than four people. So our constitutional right for freedom of speech is very much affected. And I could tell the feeling of the people. I know that the majority of the people are angry.

GRAEME DOBELL: Mr Pohiva says the destruction in Nuku'alofa on November 16 was partly directed at Chinese businesses and at businesses close to the King. But the democracy leader says the riot was also an expression of people's anger and disappointment.

AKILISI POHIVA: My assessment of the situation is that I think people have been waiting far too long for Government to come out and respond to the grievances and calling from the people for political reform, as to allow them to be part of the decision-making process or to be involved in the running of Government.

So some of the Chinese shops and stores were burned down by a group of youths, they broke away from the meeting at the Mariah (phonetic), while we have a meeting at the Cabinet room, and started rioting and burning.

TANYA NOLAN: That's the leader of Tonga's pro-democracy movement, Akilisi Pohiva.