Showing posts with label Political prisoners. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Political prisoners. Show all posts

1/24/08

Melbourne - Rally in Solidarity with Mapuche People




Melbourne Latin American Solidarity - Chile -

Melbourne - Rally in Solidarity with Mapuche People

(Chile - Argentina Indigenous People)


For the life of Mapuche Political Prisoner Patricia Troncoso in Critical Health Condition,

After more than 105 days in Hunger Strike for Mapuche People’s Rights


FRIDAY JANUARY 25, 12 Noon

CHILEAN CONSULATE IN MELBOURNE

Floor 13, 390 St. Kilda Road, Melbourne


We demand:

*The release of all Mapuche political prisoners!

*To stop the destruction of Mapuche land!!

*To stop the militarisation on Mapuche Territories!

*To stop the anti-terrorist law!

*The constitutional recognition of Mapuche People

*Justice for Matias Catrileo y Alex Lemu killed by state police

The Government of Chile and its President Michelle Bachelet

will be responsible for her death!

We demand JUSTICE nothing less, nothing more!


Initiated by:

Chilean Popular & Indigenous Network

Latin American Solidarity Network

And others supporters

Info: Marisol 0413 597 315

More Info check: www.latinlasnet.org

Send your concern letters/faxes/e-mails to Chilean authorities:

Mrs. Michelle Bachelet
President of Chile
Palacio de La Moneda
Santiago, Chile
Tel: 0011 56 2 690 4000
Fax: 0011 56 2 690 41 38
Fax: 0011 56 2 690 4958
E-mail: jgarcia@presidencia.cl

Carta a la Presidenta online = http://www.gobiernodechile.cl/contacto/contacto.asp

Mr. Edmundo Prez Yoma
Minister of Internat Affairs
Palacio de La Moneda,
Santiago, Chile
Tel: 0011 56 2 690 4000
Fax: 0011 56 2 6904 958
Fax: 0011 56 2 699 2165
Email: mespinozar@interior.gov.cl

Mr. Alejandro Foxley Rioseco,

Minister of foreign Affairs,

Catedral 1158, Piso 3, Santiago, Chile,

Fax: 0011 56 2 696 87 96,

Email: minrel@minrel.cl ; mdelaguarda@minrel.gov.cl

11/8/07

No evidence for terrorism charges



"New Zealand's top lawyer says laws put in place to protect New Zealanders from acts of terrorism are flawed.

On Thursday afternoon David Collins QC announced that no one arrested in the nationwide police raids will face terrorism charges because of insufficient evidence and messy legislation.

Even before the Solicitor-General dropped his embarrassing bomb shell, there was anger bubbling over on the steps of parliament about how the investigation has been handled.

Joining the protest Maori Party MP Hone Harawira remarked: "How dare they arrest Tame Iti. What are the chances he is a terrorist leading a terrorist organisation? This is bullshit."

Harawira didn't have to wait long for an answer.

"I have advised the Commissioner that I am unable to authorise the prosecutions that have been sought under the Terrorism Suppression Act," said Collins.

The response from friends and supporters of those arrested was swift.

"We're absolutely thrilled... It's a huge weight off the shoulders of the families, off the individuals and... of every political activist in New Zealand," said activist, John Minto.

But none of this is good enough for the supporters of those arrested. They believe the stigma of alleged terrorism will stick for a life time.

"They have been branded terrorists by the police and that's been bandied right across New Zealand through the media and that's absolutely unconscionable," says Minto."

11/3/07

Protesters clash with police outside Slave Labour Party conference

"Around 150 protesters formed outside the Labour Party Annual Conference on the North Shore this morning to express their anger at the police anti-terror raids.

Police and protesters have scuffled with each other and three protesters were taken away by police but only one has been arrested.
A police officer allegedly had a protester spit in his face as other signs were waved and chants repeated denouncing the government and calling on Prime Minister Helen Clark to stop "human rights abuse".
Police say they will be reviewing video footage of the protest following allegations a Labour Party delegate struck a protester.

One protester is dressed in full army fatigues while others have opted for a silent protest - gagged and chained together.

The protest is being organised by Global Peace and Justice, with veteran protester John Minto at the helm.

Police have stepped up their security around the venue and have formed a wall between the rowdy group and the entrance to the building.

Prime Minister Helen Clark isn't due to address the party conference until 2:00pm.

Watch extended footage of the protests."


http://tv3.co.nz/VideoBrowseAll/NationalVideo/tabid/309/articleID/38384/Default.aspx#video


http://indymedia.org.nz/newswire/display/74070/index.php

10/31/07

Letter of support from Oaxaca, Mexico

Here is a letter in support of the Uruwera 17, from Guadalupe Venegas Reyes, sister of Oaxaqueño anarchist political prisoner David Venegas. Spanish first, followed by rough translation.
nosotros como oaxaqueños, sabemos perfectamentamente de lo que mueve a un pueblo a organizarse para exigir justicia y respeto, sufrimos una represion por toda una red mafiosa de politiquillos, amparada por un sistema inservible y no funcional para los pueblos, sin embargo en medio de tanta sangre derramada por nuestros hermanos caidos, a aun a persar de ese dolor, sentimos la mayoria de este pueblo que vale la pena luchar para ser libres de cuerpo pero sobre todo de pensamiento e ideales, yo me uno energicamente al reclamo de los publos del mundo en contra de las redadas selectivas que esta llevando el gobierno de ese pais(nueva zelanda) en contra de la gente que piensa diferente y correctamente, un no al racismo, un nunca mas desapariciones, juicios injustos, familias enteras perseguidas, un no, no, a todas las arbitrariedades que los politicos hacen en nombre del poder. justicia para todos los pueblos, justicia .

guadalupe venegas reyes

hermana de preso politico en oaxaca, mexico.


We as oaxaqueños (people of Oaxaca) know perfectly about what moves a people to organize to demand justice and respect. We suffer represion from a mafia network of minor politicians who are protected by a system that is malfunctioning and useless to the people.

Nevertheless in the middle of so much blood spilled by our fallen brothers, to even to think of that pain, we feel, the majority of this people, that it is worthwhile to fight for being free of body but above all of thought and ideal. I energetically join the peoples of the world who are against the selective raids that the government of this country (New Zealand) carried out against people that think differently and correctly.

A NO to racism, disappearances, unjust judgments, entire families pursued, and NO NO NO to all the arbitrary decisions that politicians make in the name of power.

Justice for all the people, justice.

Guadalupe Venegas Reyes
sister of a political prisoner (David Venegas) in Oaxaca, Mexico

9/21/07

Shawn Brant: Another Case of Kkkanada's Political Persecution of Indigenous People



Take note, Australian, Kkkanadian, New Zealand and the United States couldn't give a rats arse about Indigenous rights,so they not only share a minority racist attitude, but also share all the ways they have perfected oppressing us. Treating an Indigenous father and activist Shawn Bryant as some internal threat is the thin edge of the wedge and denies the legitimacy & justice of his and his peoples history, present and future.Thats State Sanctioned Genocide.

Much Aroha & Tautoko Shawn, Kia Kaha brother, Respect, Regards & Love to our Relations defending their ancestral rights for your generations to come.

by Justin Podur; September 19, 2007 - Znet

http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=30&ItemID=13830

On August 30, about two weeks before Canada became one of only four countries to vote against a UN declaration on indigenous rights, Tyendinaga Mohawk father and activist, Shawn Brant was released from Quinte Detention Centre on bail. Bail had been denied him twice before, when he first turned himself in on July 5th and again after a bail-review hearing on August 10th. The conditions of his bail were restrictive: $50,000 cash bond with another $50,000 surety, 30-day house arrest, curfew, no protests, and above all, no returning to the struggle for the Mohawk territory the government hoped to disrupt by putting him in jail in the first place. His trial will take place some time in 2008. He is to stand trial on 9 charges having to do with two blockades, one that occurred in April 2007 and the other in June 2007, including 6 charges of indictable mischief (for which the maximum penalty is 10 years in prison), and 3 charges of breach of bail. His actual crime, for which he is being persecuted, is being an articulate and militant spokesperson for his community and indigenous struggles in Canada more generally.

The bail hearing also featured massive, militarized security, all for a community activist who had been involved in activities no more violent than blockades of roads and reclamations of sites, and who had turned himself in. It was a disgraceful display by the state, an attempt to generate fear of violence as a diversion from the substantive issues.

Exclusion and Environmental Destruction

The Mohawks of Tyendinaga, and community members from sister Mohawk territories Kahnawake, Akwesasne, and Kanehsatake, are no strangers to repression and persecution by governments. Indeed, with borders transecting Quebec, Canada, and the US, the Mohawks have known three different flavors of violence. The variations, however, are less striking than the similarities. In the 1990s, these communities faced a military occupation, with thousands of Canadian troops besieging the Mohawks, who were protesting that their sacred sites were slated to become condominium developments and golf courses. An all-out invasion was planned for these communities in 1994, called off at the last minute because of concerns that the political fallout from the bloodshed would be too high. More recently, Kanehsatake, for example, has faced tense standoffs with Canada’s federal police and Quebec’s provincial police, including the creation of a privatized police force to invade the community in 2004 (1). Before that, the Canadian police and military presented these sieges of communities as “law-and-order” activities, using force to stamp out the crimes of Canada’s indigenous people. But the massive, ongoing crime is one committed against indigenous people, and the law-and-order posturing, to which we will return, is intended to present an inversion of reality.

The Canadian state and corporations view the country’s economic development in terms of extracting resources from the land and selling them off, mainly to the United States, for profit. In this model, indigenous people, who live on the land and have their own ideas about how to treat it, are an obstacle, and have been treated that way historically. Even though rights to exploit the land were as often won by negotiation and treaties that included mutual obligations by Canada and indigenous nations as by force, Canada has treated indigenous people as a colonizer treats its victim, disrespecting agreements with them, dispossessing and excluding them, and using force with impunity. “Development” on indigenous lands, whether of resources or, in more densely populated areas, of suburban housing construction projects, is a sort of development that provides no benefit at all to them. While indigenous people from the Six Nations of the Grand River Territory neighbouring Caledonia in Ontario watched their historic lands turned into suburban developments, and Mohawks in Tyendinaga watched trucks carting tons of gravel out of their lands, the majority of indigenous communities in Canada (75% in 2001) have substandard, dangerous water quality and inadequate housing.

Beyond merely excluding the indigenous, Canada has destroyed the very basis of their survival through environmental destruction. The Mohawk territory on the Ontario/Quebec/New York border has been thoroughly poisoned. Canadian authorities have been destroying Mohawk fishing grounds since they started manipulating the flow of the St.Lawrence River in the 1830s. When Canada opened the St. Lawrence Seaway in the 1950s, it offered cheap hydro power to industrial investors, and heavy industry, from General Motors to Alcoa and Reynolds, responded, contaminating the rivers and lakes of the region and the groundwater table with PCBs, DDT, mercury, Mirex, and more. Poisoned water killed both the wildlife and the traditional economy. With no more hunting or fishing, there was no more traditional diet and, consequently, a whole set of new health problems (2).

Environmental destruction and exclusion from the economic benefits of their own territories has led to poverty and unemployment in indigenous communities. This has provided the state with another lever of control over the communities – small amounts of money distributed through the welfare system and through institutions of “self-government” that were imposed on indigenous communities, often at gunpoint. These meager and humiliating funds have an additional value to the state besides control: they also enable the state to sow racism by claiming that indigenous people are “lazy” and “don’t work”, living off of “handouts” from the state.

Adaptation of Tobacco


But the indigenous were never excluded quietly or easily, and the Mohawks found a way to adapt even to this narrowing of their options. Taking advantage of their position on the border, they created businesses selling a traditional sacred plant – tobacco cigarettes. Canada’s establishment treated the “native cigarette” trade as a major crime, alleging associations with organized crime and threatening brutal action. Indeed, from 2004-2006, the government threatened the Mohawk communities, repeatedly, on the basis of the tobacco trade. In an interview with the CBC in April 2006, Shawn Brant explained some of what the tobacco trade had meant for Tyendinaga:

“We have approximately 6 to 7 million dollars a month which comes into the community as new revenue from the outside, that we’ve been able to establish infrastructure within our community. We’ve been able to put forward our first institution of government, as we call it, the longhouse. We showed them that we were going to use the proceeds from tobacco in order to recreate ourselves within the society, that we would allow for something greater to come from it than just padding the pockets of a few people.

“So Tyendinaga now sits in a unique situation, where we have this money coming in, where the stores bring it in at retail level, where construction crews and workers are working, people are preparing their roofs and contributing in a way to, not only the local economy, but also to the surrounding economy in a way that we never had. We’re in position now where we are able to have, as a community, some influence in the outside world. When our people go out shopping, because of the availability of revenue within here, they’re not treated like shit anymore, they’re treated like consumers that have access to revenues, that are going out and making purchases. They’re treated in a way and a standard that we’ve never enjoyed before.” (3)

When the interviewer asked him about rumors of a Canadian military raid into Tyendinaga with cigarettes as a pretext, Shawn Brant answered:

“We’ve always known, and we’ve always been told to prepare for this time, when they would stop at nothing to remove us, to have us not exist. We’ve been through the assimilation process and it didn’t work, and now there’s one option that as a nation, a military option is very real. I believe the day will come, and with Kanesatake in 1990, when the people of that community stood up and everything changed, we talked about the transition time.

“Kanestake has got nothing in the 16 years since 1990: they haven’t settled the land claims, their status within the Indian act, they haven’t settled their financial and fiduciary responsibilities with them – it’s a community where schools barely exist, their programs are non-existent. While everything changed in people’s minds across Canada, and maybe the way in which people perceive us has changed, nothing has changed for them and that’s their punishment for 1990. If Tyendinaga can take on that responsibility, and take the brunt of the force and the government’s wrath, and it allows for some peace to exist in Kanesatake, then we’ll gladly shoulder that responsibility. We don’t just see it as being something just around us. It’s time for our sisters and brothers that have fought for so long to have a break and let them turn their attention to us, and we’ll welcome it.” (4)

Resistance to Dispossession


The tobacco trade is not the only indigenous adaptation to legal and economic exclusion and dispossession. The more direct adaptation has been to resist dispossession, using legal arguments and, when Canada ignored these, resorting to the very measured and restrained use of reclamations and blockades.

One such reclamation began in February 2006, at the Douglas Creek Estates bordering the town of Caledonia and the Six Nations reserve. The Douglas Creek Estates were in the process of being converted to a suburban subdivision when members of Six Nations reclaimed it. They wanted the land, which, like so many other pieces of indigenous territory, had been taken from them in a process of very dubious legality, to be returned to them (5). Instead of negotiating in good faith, the provincial police attempted to dislodge the indigenous people from the reclamation site in April 2006, and succeeded for several hours, after which the indigenous reclaimed the site yet again. Six Nations called on people outside the territory to speak up and to mobilize on their behalf. One community that heard the call was Tyendinaga.

The day after the police dislodged the Six Nations reclamation on the Douglas Creek Estates (April 21 2006), Mohawks from Tyendinaga blocked a CN Rail line that runs through their territories, both the Culbertson Tract and Surrender 24 (discussed below) demanding that the government negotiate with Six Nations in good faith. Later that year, the government would force the Mohawks of Tyendinaga to conduct a reclamation on their own behalf. The Culbertson tract, like the Douglas Creek Estates, had been stolen from the indigenous through a dubious swindle (6). When, on November 15 2006, Mohawks went to the site of a proposed subdivision on the Culbertson tract to publicize their claim and their intention to stop the construction of a subdivision there, coincidence had a convoy of Canadian Military vehicles just passing through the reserve. The Mohawks blocked the convoy with cars and trucks and asked them what they were doing. Provincial police eventually escorted the military away. In January 2007, Shawn Brant and another Mohawk activist, Mario Baptiste, were arrested. Shawn was charged with ‘uttering death threats’, Mario with ‘assault’ and ‘mischief’, in conjunction with the November 15 2006 incident (7).

On another part of Tyendinaga territory, a gravel quarry owned by Thurlow Aggregates, the corporation busily strived to make off with as much of the land as possible, while the government of Canada took a decade to even sit down to land claim negotiations. Strikingly, the Mohawks had submitted an official land claim in 1995, after the claims process was finally created by Canada, and in 2003, this claim had been acknowledged as legitimate by the Canadian government - in many land claim disputes, achieving this recognition of legitimacy from the colonial government is in and of itself a huge battle. Negotiations around the Mohawk’s claim did not begin for several years after that, during which time the Government of Ontario continued to renew the license to Thurlow Aggregates to ravage the now-recognized Mohawk land. So, on March 22, 2007, 125 members of Tyendinaga took control of the quarry. Shawn Brant explained the reclamation: “It’s very difficult to have negotiations at a time when they’re taking out 10,000 truckloads of our land. It’s an affront to our process.” (8). The Mohawks announced a campaign of blockades if the quarry’s license was not revoked. On April 20, 2007, they blocked the CN Rail line again. The Mohawks held the line for 30 hours and packed up, having negotiated with the police that no one would be charged. The Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) Commissioner, an aggressive and militaristic former chief of Toronto’s police named Julian Fantino, ordered the arrest of Shawn Brant for mischief, disobeying a court order, and breach of recognizance – ignoring the agreement made on April 21 2007. On May 9, CN Rail announced a civil suit for damages for the rail stoppage – the authors of the essay “What Landed Shawn Brant in Jail” said the following about CN’s lawsuit:

“The civil case will likely bring to light some of the checkered history of railway construction in Canada, from forced expropriations to illegal seizures of land; CN’s lawyers may find themselves arguing a case that does the company more harm than good.” (9) The rail line CN is suing over runs through both the Culbertson Tract and what is called “Surrender 24”, a 33,000 acre tract that was stolen from the Mohawks in 1820 by force, and despite much resistance (10).

The final set of charges against Shawn Brant stem from June 29, 2007, which was planned as a national aboriginal day of action. Originally conceived and presented as a day of militant action to show that indigenous communities would not be shunted aside or disappeared, the day of action was weakened by Canada’s threats and successful isolation of communities from one another. Tyendinaga took the call to action seriously. Via Rail cancelled its rail service, anticipating a shutdown. The Tyendinaga Mohawks blocked Highway 2. The OPP blocked the Highway 401 pre-emptively, and the Tyendinaga Mohawks moved on to the highway and the CN tracks. The blockades were all lifted by the end of the 29th, and no one was hurt. Shawn Brant, however, was charged with mischief and breach of bail, and turned himself in on July 5 (11).

Shawn Brant’s trial, and the civil suit by CN Rail, could indeed prove counterproductive to the Canadian state and corporations. At a public event on August 29, 2007 in support of Shawn Brant, author Naomi Klein suggested that part of why the Canadian establishment, from Ontario’s police commissioner to the mainstream media, seems to be so vindictive against him is because he has had some success raising indigenous issues not only inside, but also outside of native communities. Sue Collis, an activist who has been instrumental in building this bridge between native and non-native activists (and who is also Shawn Brant’s wife), noted that the colonial relationship between settler and indigenous in Canada could not occur without the participation and complicity of the citizens. Racist myths about native people being “lazy” or “lawless” can’t hold up to reality, and the indigenous actions have been about confronting Canadians with the reality. If the myths collapse, could the whole project of dispossessing the indigenous be at risk?

The colonial playbook is a limited one. In 1990 and 1994, Canada used the military and the police against the Mohawks. It also mobilized racist whites to press a counter-claim against indigenous people, and then presented itself as an honest broker between the two extremes, allowing the racists plenty of leeway and persecuting indigenous people whenever possible. This strategy also allowed plausible deniability. The same thing occurred in 2006 on Six Nations land, with “residents of Caledonia” rallying to demand action against the indigenous (12). Other standard plays include attempts to sow divisions in the community, arming some indigenous people against others, offering money in exchange for land, and presenting small sacrifices as immense in order to create obstacles for future negotiations. The repetitiveness of these standard tactics is frustrating, but it could also make them more transparent, for those who wish to see. If there were enough such people (13), Canada would have to back off, and perhaps actually change its relationship with indigenous people.

Notes


http://mostlywater.org/shawn_brant_another_case_of_canadas_political_persecution_of_indigenous_people


1) See my “Kanehsatake”, 2004, ZNet, for a discussion of what was going on at the time: http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=5556. See also the following leaflet: http://arab.sa.utoronto.ca/preparing.for.invasion.pdf

2) See chapter 2 of Bruce E. Johansen (1993), “Life and Death in Mohawk Country”, North American Press, Colorado. See also the work of Boyce Richardson, including “The People of Terra Nullius” and “Drumbeat: Anger and Renewal in Indian Country”.

3) CBC Interview, April 23, 2006.

4) CBC Interview, April 23, 2006.

5) For an overview of the Six Nations reclamation, see my “Six Nations Does Not Stand Alone”, 2006, ZNet. http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=10152

6) See the excellent pamphlet, “In Support of the Mohawks of Tyendinaga”, from which much of this article was drawn. See specifically two essays: “What Landed Shawn Brant in Jail?”, and “Surrender 24 and the Culbertson Tract: How Tyendinaga’s Land Was Stolen”. The PDF of the pamphlet is here: http://www.ocap.ca/files/fsb-rgb-final.pdf

7) “What Landed Shawn Brant in Jail?” - http://www.ocap.ca/files/fsb-rgb-final.pdf

8) “What Landed Shawn Brant in Jail?” - http://www.ocap.ca/files/fsb-rgb-final.pdf

9) “What Landed Shawn Brant in Jail?” - http://www.ocap.ca/files/fsb-rgb-final.pdf

10) “Surrender 24 and the Culbertson Tract: How Tyendinaga’s Land Was Stolen”. http://www.ocap.ca/files/fsb-rgb-final.pdf

11) “What Landed Shawn Brant in Jail?” - http://www.ocap.ca/files/fsb-rgb-final.pdf

12) See my “In whose interests are the ‘residents’ rallies’ in Caledonia?” ZNet, 2006, http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=10313

13) There are people working on this, and there should be many more. Join the Tyendinaga Support Committee, visit their site, sign the petition, work wherever you are on this. http://www.ocap.ca/supporttmt.html


see also:

http://uriohau.blogspot.com/2007/04/canadas-military-manual-exposed-to.html

http://uriohau.blogspot.com/2007/05/canadas-military-plots-war-crimes.html

Leonard Peltier: Silence Screams



Leonard Peltier turned 63 years old on September 12, 2007, an international day demanding the immediate, unconditional freedom of this Native American artist, writer, and activist––one of the most widely recognized political prisoners in the world.

Leonard has spent more than 31 years in some of the cruelest prisons in the United States, unjustly condemned to a double life sentence for the shooting death of two FBI agents in 1975. His situation is now aggravated by health problems.

From his cell in the federal prison at Lewisberg, Pennsylvania, he keeps right on struggling for the rights of indigenous people. He’s contributed to the establishment of libraries, schools, scholarships, and battered women’s shelters among many other projects. He was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2004 and again in 2007.

“My crime’s being an Indian. What’s yours?”


http://www.indymedia.org/en/2007/09/892388.shtml

Leonard Peltier: Silence Screams

by Carolina

The Message
Silence, they say, is the voice of complicity.
But silence is impossible.
Silence screams.
Silence is a message,
just as doing nothing is an act.
Let who you are ring out and resonate
in every word and deed.
Yes, become who you are.
There’s no sidestepping your own being
or your own responsibility.
What you do is who you are.
You are your own comeuppance.
You become your own message.
You are the message.
In the spirit of Crazy Horse,
Leonard Peltier


¡31 years behind bars!

Leonard Peltier turned 63 years old on September 12, 2007, an international day demanding the immediate, unconditional freedom of this Native American artist, writer, and activist––one of the most widely recognized political prisoners in the world.

Leonard has spent more than 31 years in some of the cruelest prisons in the United States, unjustly condemned to a double life sentence for the shooting death of two FBI agents in 1975. His situation is now aggravated by health problems.

From his cell in the federal prison at Lewisberg, Pennsylvania, he keeps right on struggling for the rights of indigenous people. He’s contributed to the establishment of libraries, schools, scholarships, and battered women’s shelters among many other projects. He was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2004 and again in 2007.

“My crime’s being an Indian. What’s yours?”

In his autobiography My Life Is My Sun Dance, Leonard explains that his bloodline is mainly Ojibway and Dakota Sioux and that he was adopted by the Lakota Sioux and raised on their reservations “in the land known to you as America....but I don’t consider myself an American.”

“I know what I am. I am an Indian--an Indian who dared to stand up to defend his people. I am an innocent man who never murdered anyone nor wanted to. And, yes, I am a Sun Dancer. That, too, is my identity. If I am to suffer as a symbol of my people, then I suffer proudly. I will never yield.”

Leonard tells us that when he was nine years old a big black government car drove up to his house to take him and the other kids away to the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) boarding school in Wahpeton, Dakota del Norte. When they got there, they cut off their long hair, stripped them, and doused them with DDT powder.

“I thought I was going to die...that place...was more like a reformatory than a school...I consider my years at Wahpenton my first imprisonment, and it was for the same crime as all the others: being an Indian.”

He goes on to say that “We had to speak English. We were beaten if we were caught speaking our own language. Still, we did....I guess that’s where I became a “hardened criminal,” as the FBI calls me. And you could say that the first infraction in my criminal career was speaking my own language. There’s an act of violence for you....The second was practicing our traditional religion.”

When Leonard Peltier was a teen-ager, President Eisenhower launched a program to eliminate the reservations and move the people off, giving them a small payment. Leonard remembers that the words “termination” and “dislocation” became the most feared words in the people’s vocabulary. The process of fighting against dislocation was his first experience as an activist.

During the 60s, Leonard worked as a farm worker and, later, in an auto body shop in Seattle. At that time he got his first taste of community organizing. At the beginning of the 70s, he joined up with the American Indian Movement (AIM), initially inspired by the Black Panthers.

In 1972, he participated in the Trail of Broken Treaties, a march / caravan from Alcatraz in California to Washington D.C., and also in the occupation of the BIA in the nation’s capital. He became a target of the FBI program to “neutralize” AIM leaders and was set up and jailed at the end of the year.

1973: The Occupation of Wounded Knee


One of AIM’s boldest actions was the occupation of the village of Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge Reservation, the same place where the United States Army carried out its cowardly, infamous massacre of 300 Lakota people in 1890.

At the beginning of the 70s, AIM was getting together with the Lakota Indians who were true to their ancient traditions and wanted to hold on to their culture and their lands.

The BIA, worried about AIM’s growing influence in the area, imposed Dick Wilson as tribal chairman on the reservation, running roughshod over the will of the traditional elders and chiefs.

The puppet Wilson hated the AIM militants and allied himself with the FBI to destroy the movement that the agency saw as a threat to the American way of life. His paramilitary group known as the "GOONS" (Guardians of the Oglala Nation) had committed a long chain of abuses against the people.

On the night of February 27, around 300 Lakota and 25 AIM members occupied the town of Wounded Knee, joined by several Chicanos, Black, and white supporters. They opposed the murders of Native Americans on the reservation, the extreme poverty that the people lived in, and the corrupt tribal government. They demanded that the government respect the ancient treaties signed with native peoples to protect their territory and autonomy.

The next day, General Alexander Haig ordered an invasion. According to Ward Churchill and Jim Vanderwall in their book Agents of Repression, "In the first instance since the Civil War that the U.S. Army had been dispatched in a domestic operation, the Pentagon invaded Wounded Knee with 17 armored personnel carriers, 130,000 rounds of M-16 ammunition, 41,000 rounds of M-1 ammunition, 24,000 flares, 12 M-79 grenade launchers, 600 cases of C-S gas, 100 rounds of M-40 explosives, helicopters, phantom jets, and personnel, all under the direction of General Alexander Haig."

The operation also relied on 500 heavily armed policemen, federal marshals, and BIA and FBI agents. They surrounded Wounded Knee and set up barricades all along the road.

The occupation lasted 71 days and ended only after the government promised to investigate the complaints, something that never happened.

The next three years were known as the “reign of terror” on Pine Ridge. More than 300 people associated with AIM were violently attacked and many of their homes were burned. During these years more than 60 Native American people were killed by paramilitaries armed and trained by the FBI. There was also an increase of FBI SWAT team agents on the reservation.

It’s now known, as a result of a suit based on the Freedom of Information Act, that AIM activities on and off the reservation were under FBI surveillance and that the FBI was preparing the paramilitary operations on Pine Ridge a month before the shootout at Oglala.

Oglala: The fatal shootout

In a situation that was getting worse all the time, the Council of Elders on the Jumping Bull ranch near the town of Oglala asked AIM to come back to the reservation to protect them. Leonard Peltier, along with many other AIM members and non-members responded to the call and set up camp on the ranch.

On June 26, 1975, two FBI agents, Jack Coler and Ron Williamsen, followed a red pick-up truck onto the Jumping Bull ranch. They were supposedly looking for young Jimmy Eagle, who was said to have stolen a pair of cowboy boots.

A shootout began between the FBI agents and the people in the pick-up, trapping a family in the crossfire. Several mothers fled the area with their children while other people fired in self-defense. More than150 FBI SWAT team members, BIA police, and GOONS surrounded approximately 30 AIM men, women, and children and opened fire. Leonard Peltier helped a group of young people to escape from the rain of bullets. When the shootout ended, AIM member Joseph Killsright Stuntz was found dead, shot in the head. His death has never been investigated.

Coler and Williamsen were wounded during the shootout and then killed at point blank range. The two agents had in their possession a map with the Jumping Bull ranch marked on it.

According to FBI documents, more than forty Native Americans participated in the shootout, but only four were charged with killing the two agents: three AIM leaders––Dino Butler, Bob Robideau, and Leonard Peltier–– and Jimmy Eagle.

Butler and Robideau were the first to be arrested, and at their trial they stated that they had fired in self-defense. The jury believed the act was justified due to the atmosphere of terror that prevailed at Pine Ridge at the time. They were both found innocent.

The FBI was furious about the verdict and dropped the charges against Jimmy Eagle, according to their memos, “...in order to direct the full weight of the prosecution on Peltier."

Meanwhile, Leonard Peltier went to Canada, believing that he would never have a fair trial. On February 6, he was arrested and then extradited to the United States due to the statement of a woman named Myrtle Poor Bear, who said she had been his girlfriend and had seen him fire at the agents. As a matter of fact, she had never known him and was not present at the time of the shootout. In a later statement, she said that she had been coerced into giving false testimony as a result of being terrorized by FBI agents.

Two life sentences!?

The Leonard Peltier Defense Committee has cited a number of examples of the injustice of the trial:

-The case wasn’t brought before the judge who had presided over the trial of Robideau and Butler, but instead before another judge with a reputation for making decisions favorable to the prosecution.

-Myrtle Poor Bear and other important witnesses were forbidden to testify about FBI misconduct.

-Testimony about the “reign of terror” on the Pine Ridge Reservation was severely limited.

-Important evidence, such as conflicting ballistic reports, was deemed inadmissible.

-The red pick-up that had been followed onto the ranch was suddenly described as Peltier’s “red and white van.”

-The jury was isolated and surrounded by federal marshals, making jurors believe that AIM was a security threat to them.

-Three young Native Americans were forced to give false testimony against Peltier after having been arrested and terrorized by FBI agents.

-The prosecutor couldn’t produce a single witness who could identify Peltier as the shooter.

-The government said that a cartridge found near the bodies was fired from the presumed murder weapon, and alleged that this was the only pistol of its kind used during the shootout and that it belonged to Peltier.

As a result of the Freedom of Information Act suit, FBI documents turned over to the defense showed that:

1. More than one weapon of the type attributed to Peltier had been present at the scene.

2. The FBI intentionally hid the ballistics report showing that the cartridge could not have come from the presumed murder weapon.

3. There was no doubt whatsoever that the agents followed a red pick-up onto the territory, and not the red and white van driven by Peltier.

4. Strong evidence against several other suspects existed and was withheld.

None of this evidence was presented to the jury that found Leonard Peltier guilty. He was given two consecutive life sentences.

Two consecutive life sentences?! How do they plan to implement that? Doesn’t the sentence reflect a deep fear of the spirit of Crazy Horse?

Bill Clinton: at the service of the FBI

The Leonard Peltier Defense Committee explains that a new trial was sought after several of these abuses came to light. During one hearing, the federal prosecutor admitted that “...we can’t prove who shot the agents”. The court realized that Peltier could have been found innocent if the evidence hadn’t been unduly withheld by the FBI, but a new trial was denied on the basis of technical errors.

The Committee says:

“In 1993, Peltier requested Executive Clemency from President Bill Clinton. An intensive campaign was launched and supported by Native and human rights organizations, members of Congress, community and church groups, labor organizations, luminaries, and celebrities. Even Judge Heaney, who authored the court decision [denying a new trial], expressed firm support for Peltier’s release. The Peltier case had become a national issue.

On November 7, 2000, during a live radio interview, Clinton stated that he would seriously consider Peltier’s request for clemency and make a decision before leaving office on January 20, 2001.

In response, the FBI launched a major disinformation campaign in both the media and among key government officials. Over 500 FBI agents marched in front of the White House to oppose clemency. On January 20, the list of clemencies granted by Clinton was released to the media. Without explanation, Peltier's name had been excluded.”

The efforts of the defense team are now focused on obtaining more than 6,000 documents that are still being retained by the FBI and on urging Congress to investigate FBI misconduct on Pine Ridge and the “reign of terror” that existed between 1973 and 1976.

In a recent letter Leonard said: “If my case stands as it is, no common person has real freedom. Only the illusion until you have something the oppressors want.... In the spirit of Crazy Horse, who never gave up.”

Let’s change how it is.


This September 12, the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee has announced cultural events in different parts of the world. In Philadelphia there will be a demonstration to demand freedom for Leonard Peltier, Mumia Abu-Jamal, the MOVE 9, and the Cuban 5, convened by the International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal (ICFFMAJ), Philadelphia Jericho, Philadelphia Anarchist Black Cross, the African Peoples Solidarity Committee, and the Uhuru Solidarity Movement.

What will you do?

Write a letter to Leonard:

Leonard Peltier # 89637-132
USP Lewisburg
PO BOX 1000
Lewisburg, Pennsylvania 17837

To sign an online petition or obtain information about letter writing campaigns, consult the page of the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee: www.leonardpeltier.net

Sources:
Leonard Peltier Defense Committee, case summaries
Leonard Peltier, My Life is My Sun Dance
Ward Churchill and Jim Vanderwall, Agents of Repression