Free trade warning

By WESLEY MORGAN
Monday, October 20, 2008

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Pacific civil society has deep concerns about new free trade deal with Europe.

Pacific Trade Ministers are meeting today in Nadi, Fiji, to discuss a free trade deal that will shape trading relations with the European Union for decades to come.

Trade ministers from across the region will be deciding on a way forward in negotiations for a new Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the EU.
Just last week Caribbean leaders meeting in Barbados signed their own EPA with the EU amid warnings the deal could undermine development in the region.
For the past ten months Caribbean leaders have dragged their feet on signing the EPA which has been the subject of great controversy in Caribbean media and parliaments.
Academics, trade unions and civil society have called for a renegotiation of the deal to make it more 'development friendly' and the President of Guyana said he would only sign the deal if he was forced.
At the moment, only Guyana and Haiti have yet to sign the Caribbean EPA.
Pacific trade ministers, meeting today and tomorrow to discuss the Pacific's own EPA with the EU, have formally told the Europeans they are not interested in negotiating a deal that reflects the Caribbean one.
In June, the Pacific's chief trade negotiator, Hans Joachim Keil, penned a letter to the (then) EU Commissioner for Trade, Peter Mandelson, explaining that the Pacific wants an EPA containing an optional deal on goods, but does not want to negotiate on services, investment and intellectual property rights at this time.
This appeared to have been accepted by the EU.
Such a deal would satisfy the World Trade Organisation, but the EU is now demanding more from the Pacific.
During meetings held in Brussels last month, the EU refused to discuss areas of interest to the Pacific such as providing strong infant industry protection in the EPA until the Pacific agreed to begin negotiations on services and investment.
Maureen Penjueli, coordinator of the Pacific Network on Globalisation, said Pacific leaders can still avoid signing a "disastrous" deal like the EPA signed by the Caribbean.
She said it was important Pacific ministers took a sobering lesson from the Caribbean experience.
"The EPA signed last week is not about the sustainable development of small Caribbean developing countries," said Ms Penjueli.
"It contains virtually nothing for the Caribbean, but instead opens the Caribbean to European exports, businesses and service providers, and contains new rules on trade that have been rejected by developing countries at the WTO.
This deal is not a recipe for economic partnership, but a menu to serve European economic interests." Caribbean states tried to secure new access to the European market for Caribbean people to work in the EU as part of the "services" chapter in the agreement.
This was also an objective originally being sought by the Pacific, however, many in the Caribbean argue that the conditions the EU included in the Caribbean deal make it unworkable.
The Caribbean Cultural Industries Network has said that "on the face of what has been agreed Bob Marley and countless other top Caribbean artists would be 'ineligible' to work in Europe under the EPA" so restrictive are the conditions.
The Pacific has refused to negotiate on services because the EU has rejected Pacific proposals to allow more workers from the region into the EU.
But the Pacific Network on Globalisation argues that there are other reasons for the Pacific Trade Ministers to stand strong and seek a development deal.
"Negotiating a 'comprehensive EPA' such as the Caribbean's could lead to a range of problems," said Ms Penjueli.
"Such a deal would reduce Pacific countries' ability to regulate foreign investments in the public interest, could lead to an undermining of access to services (including essential services such as education and healthcare), and would restrict the ability to nurture Pacific businesses and industries.
"It would also impose a long list of expensive obligations on Pacific states."
Ms Penjueli said Pacific ACP trade ministers should defend the right to use a mixture of policy tools to promote development including the right to impose export taxes and nurture infant industries.
The EU had previously proposed that a "subgroup" of countries may wish to negotiate separately from the region, but this had been rejected by Pacific ministers.
"Pacific ministers from across the region should maintain regional solidarity and uphold the decision to suspend negotiations on services and investment," Ms Penjueli said.
"Our leaders have said before, and should always bear in mind, that it is better to walk away from a deal that undermines our development prospects than bow to EU pressure."
Notes:
* Pacific ACP Trade Ministers are meeting in Nadi, Fiji, at the Novotel Hotel (October 20-21).
* The EU is negotiating with 76 nations across Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (the ACP) all at once. Despite a deadline to complete negotiations before the end of 2007, most ACP nations resisted signing any kind of deal with the EU, while others have signed an interim-EPA because if they did not, Europe would have raised tariffs on their exports to the EU.
* In the Pacific, Fiji and PNG initialled interim-EPAs in late 2007 to avoid tariff hikes on tuna and sugar exports.
* The deal with the Caribbean is the first 'comprehensive' EPA the EU has managed to secure.
* Wesley Morgan is the Information, Education and Communications officer for the Pacific Network on Globalisation.

The World Social Forum 2007 - a mass movement or a mass of contradictions?

By Red Sonia

This is an excellent article by a friend & comrade of mine that attended this years WSF

The World Social Forum took place this year at the Moi International Sports Stadium, Kasarani, Nairobi. And was "proudly sponsored" by Celtel, a multinational telecommunications company. So as you can imagine, the controversy and contradictions began early....

I was staying with mates who live in Nairobi, who informed me that there were hundreds of Kenyans who had agreed to billet delegates, having been promised payment for doing so. So locals shelled out lots of money for new bedsheets and food for delegates, only to be undercut at the last minute by a company connected with a government minister, who had their security guards escort unwitting delegates to the hotel accomodation provided by said company. For most of the Kenyan would-be hosts, their delegates never arrived, and they never got paid...

The World Social Forum that I saw on TV was very different from the one I experienced. When I got back to Kariakor of an evening, I would see footage of human rights superstars or celebrities giving speeches in spacious rooms with great sound gear and translation headphones for all in the audience. In the session on "memories of struggle" at which Kenya's Mau Mau rebels, still shunned by the government, spoke alongside Leila Khaled of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and other veterans of past or ongoing struggles, the microphones didn't work, volunteer translators had to be plucked from the audience and there were no headphones. This was fine for an English speaker, because most speakers chose to present in English (though it was not the first language of any of the speakers) but it was pretty rough on the Swahili or Kikuyu speakers (of whom there were many in this session - Swahili is the lingua franca of Tanzania and coastal parts of Kenya, and Kikuyu is the first language of a large proportion of the Kenyan population - and in particular, of most of the Mau Mau war vets).

By the second day, protests about the high cost of entry for Kenyans had begun. Though there was a sliding scale entry fee for delegates from the Global North, Global South and then for Africa, the 500 shillings was an enormous impost for your average Kenyan. Moi International Stadium is next to Korogocho, one of the largest slums in Nairobi. The Korogocho Mirror, a publication of the Coalition of Urban Poor in Kenya (CUP-Kenya) had this to say in its editorial of the January edition, selling for 50Khs at the forum:

"Slum dwellers in Nairobi, such as the sprawling slums of Korogocho which is in the same constituency with the stadium where WSF is taking place, is crying foul and questions the composition of the WSF secretariat in Kenya, saying: "World Social Forum is taking place in our constituency and none of our youth or women groups have been involved in its planning. For sure, we are the people who are hosting the World Social Forum and its amazing that none of the vibrant groups have been consulted, let alone involved, in its planning," Josephine Ameyo, Chairperson of the Care Takers Women Group."

In another article by Jacklyn Awino at the beginning of the paper, the criticisms went deeper: "Most non-governmental organizations, and surprisingly enough even religious bodies are only active at the moment simply to gain credibility and raise funds," asserts Pastor Michael Njoroge.

"Communities are not so naive that they cannot talk about their problems. They know where they are hurting, and how they want their plight addressed. The problems of the poor people should not be used for personal enrichment. Can we see communities being given a chance to express themselves at meetings such as the World Social Forum?" posed Mr Gathu, a village elder in Korogocho."

On Day 3 of the conference, the direct action escalated. A group of Kenyans gained entry for free and were subsequently arrested. This was announced at the end of an amazing workshop I attended, run by the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement http://www.mxgm.org and some speakers from http://www.pambazuka.org (a newswire run out of Oxford, Nairobi and Cape Town) called "NGOs and neo-colonialism". This workshop, featuring pambazuka editor Firoze Manji and prominent scribe Tajudeen Al-Raheem, focussed in not on NGO corruption or misbehaviour, but who or what NGOs represent, even when not behaving obviously badly. Whilst Tajudeen presented a passionate and articulate polemic against the commodification of human misery and governance by technocrats that he identifies with the rise and rise of the NGO, Firoze Manji made the following stunning statement: "Let me make it absolutely clear, so there can be no misunderstanding: I am against development." I say stunning because stunned mullet is the only expression I can think of to describe the look on the face of many of the delegates in the room.

Firoze posed the question: what are the ends of the aid industry? He argued that the NGO sector is the private sector within the public domain, seeking to replace the functions of a retrenching state. He went further to describe development as the de-politicisation of poverty, and the de-mobilisation and professionalisation of struggles over resources - that which we used to call class struggle.

This, the key contradiction of the WSF, which positions itself as a gathering of social movements but is in reality dominated by NGOs and professional, paid campaigners, played itself out rather nicely the next day.

While many delegates were inside the stadium listening to fine speeches from aid professionals and church groups (SO many church groups) about food security, poverty alleviation and capacity-building (my favourite aid industry nonsense-term), African delegates and kids from the slums were taking direct action. Apparently, the guy who had called the cops on the non-paying Kenyan delegates of the day before was the same man who was running the mega-pricey food tent which by virtue of the cost was virtually a white-only space. So, delegates from South Africa and Kenya and their supporters rushed the food tent and pushed the kids forward to get free food, in a protest against the high entry fee and ridiculous food prices. Activists and other delegates took over serving duties from the kitchen staff, and for at least an hour we stood around keeping an eye on the cops whilst the kids ate their fill. The cops seemed reluctant to move in on so many professional foreign do-gooders and trouble-makers armed with camcorders.... So it seems that with a little bit of direct action and solidarity, the slum dwellers are pretty capable of looking after their own food security - their capacities to take action to determine their own lives seemed pretty good to me. It was those of the well-meaning whiteys standing around clicking their tongues in disapproval and muttering about "violence" that I think we should be worried about.

Later that day, it was announced that bottled water would be provided free...

It was good to see the head of the South Korean trade union delegation taking the rough ride home in the matatu (the people mover vans that are the main source of public transport in Nairobi complete with fuck-off huge subwoofers and pumping booty music) with the rest of us. Hard to imagine 'comrade' Burrows or Combet doing that....

On the way home on day 3, we met a volunteer from the WSF on the matatu back into town. Apparently, the Kenyan volunteers were supposed to be given food vouchers and travel reimbursements so they wouldn't be out of pocket for their efforts. Our friend on the matatu never saw either of these....

On day 4, I went to a session run by the Hurricane Katrina People's Relief Fund, in which the extraordinary repression against the predominantly black working-class in New Orleans post-Katrina was detailed. (see http://www.peopleshurricane.org for more info).

According to Malcolm Suber of the PRF, the gentrification pressures building before Katrina have now burst into open class warfare. Not only have the public housing blocks next to the touristy French Quarter in New Orleans been literally chained and boarded to prevent their poor black residents from returning home, but the public school system has been the subject of a hostile takeover. The 121 state public schools pre-Katrina are now 50 charter schools (for a basic definition of charter schools check out http://www2.edweek.org/rc/issues/charter-schools - there are heaps of critical analyses in online radical ed journals). These charter schools are privatised consortiums, and union-free zones. The teachers union in New Orleans has apparently been de-certified as a result, along with the bus drivers union! The predominantly black school board is no more. The process of "development" or "urban renewal" ie pushing out poor blacks, that in Australia finds its driver in media-driven moral panics over sex abuse in remote Aboriginal communities, and the desire to "clean up" Redfern is exposed for what it really is by the situation in New Orleans.

All in all, the WSF was a positive experience for me, in that I finally found a way to articulate my discomfort with the WSF and its agenda. I met some great revolutionaries from Tanzania, Kenya, Palestine, Holland, the US, the UK, Brazil, South Africa. The passion, committment and determination of those involved in the actual daily struggle for self-emancipation and liberation is, it turns out, so much more inspiring than some nob in a suit prattling on about good governance and capacity-building....

Joint Statement of The U.S.-Japan Security Consultative Committee

Increasing cooperation to strengthen the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum as the pre-eminent regional economic forum, recognizing its crucial role in promoting stability, security, and prosperity in the region

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Following is the joint statement issued at the conclusion of the May 1, 2007 U.S.-Japan Security Consultative Committee meeting, attended by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates, Minister for Foreign Affairs Taro Aso, and Minister of Defense Fumio Kyuma.

Begin text:

Alliance Transformation:
Advancing United States-Japan Security and Defense Cooperation



I. Overview

The U.S.-Japan security relationship is the bedrock of Japan's defense and the keystone of peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region. The members of the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) welcomed recent advances in bilateral security and defense cooperation, consistent with the vision laid out in SCC meetings and statements over the past two years. The North Korean provocations, including missile launches in July and a nuclear test in October 2006, serve as stark reminders of the importance of transforming the U.S.-Japan Alliance to ensure its continued effectiveness in an ever-changing security environment.

The SCC members recognized that, just as today's expanding U.S.-Japan cooperation was enabled by previous efforts to update and consolidate the alliance that began years ago, so too will investments that the two countries make in the alliance today enable and ensure effective alliance responses to future challenges to peace and security.

Additionally, the SCC members stressed the importance of the traditional role of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, which has enabled a life-of-the-alliance presence for U.S. forces in Japan while providing U.S. security assurances to the Government of Japan. U.S. extended deterrence underpins the defense of Japan and regional security. The U.S. reaffirmed that the full range of U.S. military capabilities - both nuclear and non-nuclear strike forces and defensive capabilities - form the core of extended deterrence and support U.S. commitments to the defense of Japan.

In this context, the SCC members emphasized the need to expand and deepen bilateral intelligence cooperation and information sharing in order to respond more effectively to emerging security challenges. They also decided to strengthen mechanisms to protect classified materials.

President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe met on November 18, 2006 and called for a review of U.S.-Japan bilateral security cooperation, especially in the area of ballistic missile defense (BMD), reiterating its importance during their April 27, 2007 summit meeting. The SCC members focused on this agenda today in the context of common strategic objectives and alliance transformation.


The SCC members also welcomed the elevation of Japan's defense organization from agency to ministry status and the redefinition of the Self-Defense Forces' (SDF) international peace cooperation activities as part of their primary missions.

II. Common Strategic Objectives

The U.S. and Japan are committed to promoting fundamental values such as basic human rights, democracy, and the rule of law in the international community. On February 19, 2005, the SCC members identified common strategic objectives that provide a broad basis for advancing bilateral cooperation.

At today's meeting, the SCC members reconfirmed their commitment to these common strategic objectives, taking the current international security environment into account. In this context, they welcomed the "Initial Actions for the Implementation of the Joint Statement" adopted at the fifth round of the Six-Party Talks on February 13, 2007, and urged North Korea to expeditiously meet its commitments described in the statement.

During their discussions, the SCC members highlighted the following strategic objectives that advance the interests of both countries:

• Achieving denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula through the Six-Party Talks and fully implementing the Joint Statement of September 19, 2005, which envisions progress in other areas, including: the normalization of relations between North Korea and the United States and Japan, respectively; resolution of humanitarian issues, such as the matter of abductions; and commitment by all Six Parties to join efforts for lasting peace and stability in Northeast Asia.


• Achieving swift and full implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1718, noting that all United Nations Member States remain obligated to comply with the provisions of that Chapter VII resolution.


Recognizing the importance of China's contributions to regional and global security, further encouraging China to conduct itself as a responsible international stakeholder, improve transparency in its military affairs, and maintain consistency between its stated policies and actions.


• Increasing cooperation to strengthen the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum as the pre-eminent regional economic forum, recognizing its crucial role in promoting stability, security, and prosperity in the region.

• Supporting efforts made by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to promote democratic values, good governance, the rule of law, human rights, fundamental freedoms, and a unified market economy in Southeast Asia, and building regional capacity and cooperation on critical non-traditional and transnational security issues bilaterally and through the ASEAN Regional Forum.

• Further strengthening trilateral cooperation among the United States, Japan, and Australia in the region and around the world, including in the areas of security and defense, based on shared democratic values and interests.


• Continuing to build upon partnerships with India to advance areas of common interests and increase cooperation, recognizing that India's continued growth is inextricably tied to the prosperity, freedom, and security of the region.


• Ensuring Afghanistan's successful economic reconstruction and political stabilization, which is essential to securing broader regional security and to defeating terrorism. To that end, the United States and Japan are both committed to supporting Afghanistan's transition, which requires reconstruction, development, and security.

• Contributing to building a united, democratic Iraq capable of governing, defending, and sustaining itself, while remaining an ally in the War on Terror.


• Achieving swift, full implementation of UNSCR 1737 and 1747, aimed at bringing Iran into full compliance with its International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) requirements. Noting the international community's continuing concerns regarding Iran's activities in the Middle East, both countries share the view that Iran must play a more positive role in the international community by demonstrating responsible behavior on the issue of terrorism.


• Achieving broader Japan-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) cooperation, recognizing that NATO's global contributions to peace and security and the common strategic objectives of the U.S.-Japan Alliance are consistent and complementary.



III. Roles, Missions, and Capabilities

On October 29, 2005, the SCC approved the document, "U.S.-Japan Alliance: Transformation and Realignment for the Future," which outlined initiatives on roles, missions, and capabilities of U.S. and Japanese forces. Following through on the security agenda laid out in that SCC document is imperative to the alliance's ability to respond to diverse challenges in the contemporary security environment.

The SCC members reviewed progress in updating roles, missions, and capabilities in line with this alliance transformation vision and highlighted:


• The redefinition of the SDF's primary mission to include international peace keeping operations, international disaster relief operations, and responses to situations in areas surrounding Japan, which reflects growing attention to the importance of Japan's contributions to improving the international security environment. In this context, the SCC members discussed SDF's assistance for Iraq's reconstruction efforts as well as its support to coalition forces operating in the Indian Ocean.

• Sustainedprogress in developing more specific planning to reflect the evolving security environment and to better posture our two forces to operate together in a regional crisis. Because such planning requires further coordination in a wide range of functions and fields, active participation of relevant ministries and agencies in the bilateral planning process will remain vital.


• Substantive agreement between the two governments concerning security measures for the protection of classified military information, also known as a General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA). The GSOMIA will facilitate information exchange and establish a common basis of information security contributing to sharing of intelligence and defense program and operational information.


• Establishment of a bilateral Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear (CBRN) Defense Working Group to make steady progress in improving readiness and interoperability of U.S. and Japanese forces against CBRN weapons, ensuring sustained operational capability in the event of an attack by weapons of mass destruction.


• Establishment of a flexible, bilateral interagency coordination mechanism to coordinate policy, operational, intelligence, and public affairs positions before and during crisis situations.

• Execution of joint, bilateral training exercises to strengthen interoperability and advance alliance roles, missions, and capabilities.


The SCC members, recognizing the growing importance of the U.S. force presence to Japanese and regional security, stressed the requirement for appropriate resources to ensure the success of the alliance transformation agenda. Both allies will also make best efforts to secure resources to improve alliance capabilities and to sustain the presence of U.S. forces in Japan.

IV. Implementation of the Realignment Roadmap

The SCC members reaffirmed their resolve to steadily implement the realignment initiatives described in the May 2006 SCC document, "United States-Japan Roadmap for Realignment Implementation." These initiatives, when implemented, will enhance U.S. and Japanese public support for the security alliance.


The SCC members reviewed and appreciated the progress made thus far with the initiatives described in the "Roadmap" including:

• The creation of a bilateral coordination mechanism in June 2006 providing implementation oversight for the realignment initiatives;

• Japanese Diet action on legislation and funding required to facilitate early implementation of realignment initiatives;


• Elaboration of the engineering and technical design for the Futenma Replacement Facility and the initiation of surveys in the water areas offshore of Camp Schwab;

• Significant cooperation toward relocation of the III Marine Expeditionary Force (MEF) personnel and their dependents from Okinawa to Guam by 2014, including:


o The U.S. creation and funding of a Joint Guam Program Office to oversee planning and development of the facilities in Guam;


o The launch of the U.S. environmental impact assessment process, including Notice of Intent to prepare an Environmental Impact Statement, for the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps forces from Okinawa to Guam; and

o Submission of the above-mentioned legislation to the Japanese Diet authorizing the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) to take appropriate measures under the direction of the Japanese government to fulfill a portion of Japan's financial commitments related to the relocation of III MEF personnel and their dependents from Okinawa to Guam.

• Commencement of the aircraft training relocation program in March 2007;


• Implementation of flexible-use of Yokota airspace measures in September 2006, and agreement in October 2006 for return of portions of Yokota airspace to Japanese control by September 2008, and for collocation of SDF controllers at the Yokota Radar Approach Control (RAPCON). These measures will help facilitate the movement of civilian aircraft through Yokota airspace while satisfying military operational requirements; and


• October 2006 launching of the Study Group on the specific conditions and modalities for possible civil-military dual-use of Yokota Air Base, as specified in the "Roadmap."

The SCC members reaffirmed that completion of the Futenma Replacement Facility, in accordance with the "Roadmap" by the target date of 2014, is the key to successful and timely implementation of the overall realignment plan for Okinawa, including the III MEF relocation to Guam and subsequent consolidation of remaining facilities and areas on Okinawa. The SCC members acknowledged the significant progress on a detailed consolidation plan and directed their staffs to continue close consultations toward its completion.

The SCC members also appreciated continued progress in implementation of commitments under the 1996 Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO) final report, including return of the Senaha Communications Facility in September 2006, and the Sobe Communications Facility and the Yomitan Auxiliary Airfield in December 2006, totaling more than 300 hectares/750 acres.

V. Strengthening BMD and Operational Cooperation

Alliance BMD capabilities, which contribute to the alliance's overall deterrence posture, are strengthened to the extent that U.S. and Japanese systems can operate together effectively. The SCC members confirmed that, as both countries develop and deploy capabilities, every effort must be made to ensure tactical, operational, and strategic coordination. In that light, the United States and Japan will take appropriate measures, in close coordination, in response to ballistic missile threatsagainst alliance interests.

In this context, the SCC members highlighted the following areas of operational cooperation:


• To strengthen operational cooperation, bilateral planning efforts must take into account missile defense capabilities, today and in the foreseeable future. To that end, the two sides' forces will clarify concepts, roles, and missions for each side in the conduct of missile defense and related operations in response to ballistic missile threats. At the same time, a policy-level forum will ensure that policy guidance for BMD operations is unambiguous and current.


• On October 29, 2005, the SCC directed the creation of a bilateral joint operations coordination center (BJOCC). During the North Korean missile provocations of June-July 2006, the United States and Japan exchanged information in a timely manner, including through an interim coordination facility at Yokota Air Base with SDF liaisons. The success of this facility in ensuring that both sides had a common awareness of the evolving situation validated the importance of continuous enhancement of bilateral policy/operational coordination including through establishment of the BJOCC at Yokota Air Base.

• Recognizing the importance of improving the situational awareness of U.S. forces and the SDF, the two sides are committed to the routine sharing of BMD and related operational information directly with each other on a real-time, continuous basis. The two sides will also develop a bilateral common operational picture (COP).

• The two sides will establish a comprehensive information-sharing roadmap to identify broader operational information and data to be shared in support of alliance roles, missions, and capabilities.

VI. Enhancing BMD System Capabilities

The SCC members noted with satisfaction that past alliance decisions about missile defense, coupled with recent accelerated cooperation, have strengthened BMD capabilities in the region.

They highlighted key advances, including:

• The operational deployment of a U.S. X-Band radar system to Air SDF Shariki Base, Japan, with associated U.S. delivery of radar data to Japanese forces.


• The operational deployment of a U.S. PAC-3 battalion to Kadena Air Base, Japan.


• The recent and continuing addition of Standard Missile (SM-3) defense capabilities to the forward-deployed naval forces of the U.S. Pacific Fleet.

• Japan's decision to accelerate modification of its Aegis ships with SM-3 capabilities. Japan will complete modification of DDG Kongo by the end of 2007, and will expedite modification of DDGs Chokai, Myoko, and Kirishima.


• Japan's decision to expedite the deployment of PAC-3, which resulted in deployment of the first PAC-3 fire unit in March 2007 and its goal to deploy 16 PAC-3 capable fire units by early 2010.


• Priority focus on U.S.-Japan cooperative development of the next generation SM-3 interceptor. The basic agreement on a framework for technology transfer reached by the two sides will facilitate progress on this project as well as in future U.S.-Japan technology cooperation projects.

The SCC members confirmed that advancing the alliance transformation agenda for security and defense cooperation will contribute to regional and global peace and security.

2007/352


Released on May 1, 2007

Chinese rivals grapple for Pacific

By Phil Mercer BBC News, Sydney

The rivalry sparked tensions in the Solomons' capital in 2006

China's Vice-Premier Zeng Peiyan has completed a brief tour of the South Pacific, showing how important the region is to Beijing.

China is competing with Taiwan for diplomatic recognition as well as access to vast reserves of fish, minerals and timber.

But there are concerns that this fierce rivalry is unsettling and that bribes are making the region more corrupt and violent.

"The countries of the South Pacific are micro-states and many of them have weak governments, so the Taiwan-China competition often has quite destabilising effects on the small, often not-very-well-run governments," warned Dr Malcolm Cook from the Lowy Institute for International Policy.

Professor Stuart Harris, a former senior foreign affairs official in Canberra, said this diplomatic arm-wrestle between Taiwan and China was a big worry.

"It's making life very difficult," he said.

"You don't need to spend a lot of money to buy a government, and corruption is becoming even more endemic."

Fierce rivalry

Taiwan and China have been governed separately since the end of a civil war in 1949, and both still compete for diplomatic recognition.

Most countries recognise China, but Taiwan has the recognition of 24 nations, of which six - those in Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, Palau, Nauru, Tuvalu and the Solomon Islands - are in the South Pacific.

Beijing has more friends in the neighbourhood. It has formal ties with eight countries, including the largest island nations, Fiji and Papua New Guinea.

China also has strong diplomatic relationships with Australia and New Zealand.

Loans and other investments, as well as the construction of roads and sporting facilities, are used by both sides to foster loyalty.

Given the importance of the region to Taiwan, analysts have detected desperation in its recent efforts.

There were claims that Taiwanese money was used to bribe politicians during an election in the Solomon Islands last year.

Riots broke out in the capital Honiara when Snyder Rini was appointed Prime Minister.

He later resigned amid allegations he used money from local Chinese businessmen and Taiwan to buy the support of MPs.

Mr Rini denied the allegations, and the Taiwanese government vehemently rejected accusations that it had tried to influence the political process.

Not everyone was convinced.

At the time Joses Tuhanuku, the President of the Solomon Islands Labour Party, told Australian television that the election had been tainted by kick-backs.

"It has been corrupted by Taiwan and business houses owned by Solomon Islanders of Chinese origin, and they knew there was a lot of money going around to bribe the new members and some of the old members to put up this prime minister," he said.

Changing ties

Australia has warned both China and Taiwan not to interfere in the politics of its regional neighbours.

Dr Cook says the rivalry is destabilising

"We don't want to see chequebook diplomacy entering the Pacific," said foreign minister Alexander Downer.

That is a forlorn hope, according to Dr Cook.

"Often even in one district (during the Solomon Islands election in 2006) more than one candidate claimed to have received funding from the Taiwan government, so if these stories are true the depth of the involvement in the Solomon Islands by Taiwan was something that's not seen in many other places," he said.

Allegiances can change - Kiribati turned its back on China in favour of representations from Taiwan.

But China's growing economic power makes it unlikely that others will follow.

Professor Stuart Harris said many countries were feeling a "strong gravitational pull towards China."

Andrew Tumbo, Papua New Guinea's Deputy High Commissioner in New Zealand, said trade was at the heart of his government's ties with Beijing.

"Papua New Guinea is rich with resources and China is talking resources from all parts of the world and we can all benefit," he said.

US Militarism and "War on Terror" in the Asia-Pacific Region

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chairperson, International Coordinating Committee
International League of Peoples' Struggle
Cebu City, December 9-10, 2006

Let me congratulate all the cooperating organizations for successfully organizing this conference. I am deeply pleased that the International League of Peoples' Struggle is part of the joint initiative, with the Asia-Pacific Research Network, Asia-Pacific Mission for Migrants, Asian Students Association, ARENA-New Zealand, Asia-Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) and the Peace for Life Network.

Thank you for inviting me to be the keynote speaker. I feel privileged and highly honored to express my views to all of you who are present as representatives of people's organizations, grassroots movements, the academe and other institutions and who seek to confront and tackle the problem of US militarism and the so-called war on terror, which is actually the US war of terror.

The conference must strive to achieve its three objectives:

1. to raise the level of awareness and understanding of the current US war of terror in the context of long-running US imperialism and militarism and how this war is being used to aggrandize US economic and political interests in the region;

2. to address specific urgent issues relating to the US military bases, militarism and human rights in order to be well grounded in responding to the needs and demands of the people; and

3. to develop a platform for cooperation and sustained networking for carrying out an Asian regional campaign against the US war of terror and escalating militarism and work for the realization of the full range of human rights.

I. US War of Terror, Militarism, Economic and Political Interests

Militarism and expansionism characterized the US as a global imperialist power at the turn of the 20th century. The US reached across the Pacific and turned the Philippines into its colony and military outpost in Asia. It emerged from the Second World War the strongest and most prosperous industrial capitalist country, while the economies of its European allies as well as their former adversaries Germany, Italy and Japan (the Axis powers) were devastated. It headed the alliance of imperialist powers in the Cold War against the Soviet Union and East European countries, China, North Korea, Mongolia the Indochinese countries (Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia) and Cuba.

The restoration of capitalism through modern revisionism in the Soviet Union and East European countries from 1956 onwards and the anti-Left coup in China in 1976 led to the expansion of the world capitalist market into the erstwhile socialist economies. But this has contributed to, rather than prevented, the aggravation of the chronic crisis of overproduction that continues to afflict the entire world capitalist system since the 1970s. US president Reagan and and UK prime minister Thatcher led the US and Britain, and subsequently the global economy, from Keynesianism to the neoliberal policies of deregulation, liberalization, privatization and de-nationalization to further exploit the weaker economies and squeeze the toiling peoples dry in order to aggrandize the monopoly bourgeoisie and accelerate the concentration and centralization of capital in its hands.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and East European regimes in 1989-91 led to the undisguised restoration of capitalism and the rapid integration of the erstwhile Comecon countries into the world capitalist system under the banner of "neoliberal globalization". China also stepped up capitalist restoration. The promise of progress, prosperity and peace flowing into the so-called newly-emergent markets and developing countries as a result of "globalization" were proven false. Russia and the East European countries underwent further economic and social degradation. East Asia succumbed to a financial and economic crisis in 1997. Japan and Europe fell into recession in succession, followed by the US in 2000.

The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc left the US as the sole and unchallenged imperialist superpower. Gone was the spectre of "communism" and "totalitarianism" which the US had invoked to justify massive military spending, costly military research and production, the permanent deployment of US military forces all over the world, military intervention and wars of aggression. The neoconservatives in the US, representing the interests of big business, especially the military industrial complex and the oil giants, drew up a blueprint to expand and consolidate US global hegemony, to combat and defeat "rogue states" and prevent at all cost the rise of any rival in the world or in any global region in order to ensure US global supremacy for the entire 21st century.

Historically, the US has used war as means to counter economic slowdown and stagnation, reviving the sluggish economy even if only temporarily by spurring military production and drawing immense profits for the military contractors. The neoconservatives offered the blueprint "Project New American Century (PNAC)" as the solution in the short, medium and long term. But the PNAC was regarded by most US policy-makers as too arrogantly presumptive, reckless and expensive for the American public and Congress and thus remained on ice until Bush came to power and 9/11 occurred. Previously, not even the successful Operation Desert Storm in 1991 and military intervention in the Balkans in most of the 1990s could whet the neoconservatives' appetite for large-scale and prolonged military actions (using the full spectrum of US power, chiefly its high-tech weapons) to seize and control strategic territory and resources.

The 9/11 bombings instantly reversed the disposition of the US, particularly the temper of bipartisan consensus, as the Bush regime conjured and hyped the "global terrorist" menace and persuaded the American public. The US Congress was swayed to support a worldwide, borderless, permanent and preemptive "war against terrorism". The initial targets of invasion and occupation would provide the US with access to and control of strategic resources, vital supply lines and strategic forward positions for military aggression. The US has long coveted Afghanistan for access to and control of the rich sources of oil and natural gas reserves in the Caspian region and Central Asia and for securing a foothold on the western flank of China. It has even more coveted Iraq for its huge oil reserves next only to Saudi Arabia, which has the largest but of a quality inferior to Iraqi oil. Iraq has the added advantage of being centrally located, suitable for building US military bases and controlling the sources of oil in the Middle East.

Soon after launching its war of aggression against Afghanistan in October 2001, the US in January 2002 declared Southeast Asia as the "second front in the war against terrorism" and drastically increased its forward presence in the Philippines under the guise of "joint military training exercises" purportedly to enhance cooperation and interoperability in operations against the small bandit group Abu Sayyaf. But the US is really interested in Southeast Asia, including the Philippines, Indonesia, Brunei and Malaysia, because of the region's rich oil, natural gas and other mineral resources, strategic basing locations, and sealanes through which half of US and non-US world merchandise trade pass.

The US military budget has shot up from a steady USD 350 billion in the years before 9/11 to nearly USD 500 billion in 2006, or nearly half of the entire US annual budget. Actual military expenditures are even more, exceeding 50% of the total budget, since many items are hidden under apparently non-military items. The budget outlays for the Department of Defense (DOD), for example, do not include the expenses for prosecuting the war in Iraq and Afghanistan, part of which is listed as "supplemental expenses" and run up to more than USD 100 billion.

A large part of the additional expenses for FY 2006 and 2007 will go to expanding the US Special Forces by 15% or 66,000 troops, upgrading the weaponry of the Army, and developing new fighter jets, battleships, the star wars anti-missile defense system and other weapons systems. The Special Forces are the designated principal and core combat force for the overseas "war on terror", for training foreign forces, and carrying out covert intelligence and non-conventional operations, including abductions and assassinations. The types of weaponry and armaments being developed are reportedly directed mainly at a possible conflict with China. In the meantime, the development of such weaponry and armaments is calculated to pressure China and induce it to fall in line with the US.

Some observers note that some military expenditures, including the development of new weapons systems, have little to do with the "war on terror" and are obviously intended to boost the military industrial complex, which appears to have won out in the tug-of-war for funding against some Pentagon officials who favor an increase in army troops to remedy the overstretching of forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. The combination of Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld has gone for putting more money into military production, acquisition of equipment and even privatization of functions in the military.

The US considers Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines and Thailand as its closest and most reliable allies in the region. Australia hosts a US satellite spy base and provides military training for other US allies in the area. The US is setting up land and ship-based "Star Wars" missile defense systems in Australia with the cooperation of the Australian government. The Philippine and Singapore governments have military agreements with the US and have been willing and eager accomplices in the "war on terror".

The military agreements and arrangements between the US and the Philippines include the Military Assistance Agreement, the Mutual Defense Agreement, the Visiting Forces Agreement and the Mutual Logistics Support Arrangement. The Philippine reactionary government immediately declared full support for the US "war on terror" shortly after 9/11, offering Philippine troops, medical personnel, contract workers, and opening its airspace and the use of Philippine territory and facilities as refuelling stations, storage, prepositioning and staging areas for US troops. Singapore also has an access and servicing agreement with the US for use of its seaports.

US troops conduct joint military training exercises, "counter-narcotics", "counter-terrorist" as well as "humanitarian" operations (civic-military, disaster, anti-epidemic, de-mining and rescue operations) as a pretext for forward-deployment and pre-stationing of its troops in critical and strategic areas all over the world. In East Asia and Oceania, US Special Forces, mostly based in Japan and Korea, regularly conduct these operations on a year-round basis in the Philippines, Thailand, Australia, Indonesia, Singapore, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. The US also conducts joint naval exercises with Australia for enhancing cooperation and interoperability.

US military presence in the Asia-Pacific serves as a coercive and intimidating sword hanging over the governments and peoples of the region, allowing US and other foreign multinationals to dictate policies and exploit and plunder the region's natural and human resources. Military and economic grants and loans are depicted by puppet regimes like that of Arroyo as sweet aid but in fact are used to poison and subvert the political and economic sovereignty of the people and impose anti-national and anti-democratic policies on the reactionary governments.

II. Urgent Issues Relating to US Military Bases, Militarism and Human Rights

US military bases serve to protect and promote the ultra-national economic, political and other interests of US imperialism and are strategically directed against the political and economic sovereignty of countries in the region. It is through military force that the US has been able to serve and expand the interests of US monopoly capitalism in the recurrent struggles for a redivision of the world among the imperialist powers. US imperialism is inherently aggressive and its aggressiveness serves the purpose of expanding economic territory and political hegemony and prevailing in the competition with other imperialist powers.

US imperialism uses all kinds of justifications and subterfuges in order to build its military might and deploy its military forces abroad. Its loudest justification for many decades since the end of World War II was anti-communism and such related euphemisms as defense of freedom, democracy, peace and security. Now, the latest big justification is anti-terrorism. The imperialists and their puppets are in fact the biggest real terrorists who use state power to kill the people in large numbers. But they magnify al Qaeda and other fringe groups beyond their criminal character, capabilities and proportions to justify the worst forms of terrorism, which are wars of aggression and state repression. There are still other justifications but these are consistently related to maintaining and promoting the interests of monopoly capitalism.

The US Pacific Command (USPACOM) is the largest geographical unified command in the US armed forces, stretching from the west coast of the Americas all the way across the Pacific to the East Asia littoral to the Indian Ocean and the east coast of Africa, from the Arctic to Australia and New Zealand to Antarctica. USPACOM maintains 100,000 troops in the Asia-Pacific. Around 37,000 are based in South Korea while 43,000 are based in Japan. These forces are depicted by the US as serving to protect Taiwan and South Korea from the threat of invasion and takeover by China and the DPRK, respectively.

But the large US military presence in East Asia and the Pacific and the "war on terror" are directed at intimidating China and the DPRK as well as discouraging nations and peoples from asserting national independence and sovereignty. The DPRK has long been demonized as part of the "axis of evil", blockaded, and threatened with further sanctions and even with outright aggression if it continues to defy US warnings and develop its own nuclear weapons. But the DPRK has tested its nuclear capability despite US warnings and asserted its right to defend itself from superpower aggression. China has been named by the US as the world power most capable of challenging US hegemony and supremacy within 20 years, a possibility that the US has declared it will never allow.

In the Philippines and some other countries in the region, the US controls and influences the local military forces through indoctrination and training, military supplies, intelligence exchange and war exercises. It uses the local military forces as a surrogate armed force not only to fight the revolutionary forces but also to ensure that the local government toes the US line and protects US interests in the country. We have seen puppet regimes, like those of Marcos and Suharto, propped up by the US with economic and military support and then later dropped through maneuvers in collaboration with US-trained military officers.

To protect the interests of the US, British and Dutch oil companies, the US used military and economic aid to support and embolden Suharto and his clique of generals to act against Sukarno and massacre 1.5 million people in the name of anti-communism. But at a much later time, the US would use US-trained Indonesian Special Forces to depose Suharto, after having become a liability to imperialist interests. Like all the rest of so-called US allies, Japan is an object of US dual policy. The US depicts its military bases and forces in Japan as protective of Japan and extracts an annual USD 6 billion payment from Japan. At the same time, the US claims that the same US military bases and forces are there to protect other countries, particularly those in the Asia Pacific region, from the danger of resurgent nationalism and militarism in Japan.

US policy on military or security matters are implemented in collaboration with puppet and partner governments in various regions and has resulted in horrible consequences to the people. The "war on terror" has spurred a rise in human rights violations by US troops and by local state security forces as governments intensify and escalate military and police operations against revolutionary and opposition forces, including those engaged in open and legal democratic struggle. Human rights violations, including murder and rape, continue to be perpetrated by US troops with impunity in East Asian countries where they are based or deployed.

The "war on terror" has given the Arroyo regime an excuse for escalating repressive measures in order to suppress the widespread clamor and actions of the people for its ouster on the grounds of puppetry, corruption, electoral fraud, and culpability for gross violations of human rights. The Bush and Arroyo governments have been pushing Congress to pass anti-terrorist legislation to proscribe patriotic and progressive organizations and leaders, to allow warrantless arrests, detention and seizure of properties, to suppress the freedom of speech and assembly and to allow rampant surveillance, harassment and intimidation. But even without such legislation, the military and police have gone on a rampage of killing, abducting, torturing, massacring innocent people, forcing people to evacuate and committing other atrocities with impunity.

In such notorious places like Fort Bragg and the School of the Americas (now called the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation), the US has systematically trained military officers of puppet governments in the doctrine of low intensify conflict and in dirty tricks, including psychological warfare and methods of abduction, assassination and torture. Indonesian, Philippine and Thai security (military and police) forces have also been trained by US Special Forces, Drugs Enforcement Administration and FBI agents to violate human rights and fundamental freedoms in the name of anti-terrorism and other pretexts.

Under the direction and influence of the US Military Commissions Act of 2006, the US and its puppets are bound to violate civil and political rights with impunity on a wider scale than before on the road of state terrorism and fascism. The law negates the right to habeas corpus, prevents prompt access to the civil courts, lawyers of choice and evidence, attacks the confidentiality of lawyer-client relations and allows unlimited surveillance, warrantless arrests, arbitrary seizures of property, indefinite detention and the use of torture. Starting with the USA PATRIOT Act of 2001, the US has pushed its allied as well as puppet governments to adopt so-called anti-terrorism laws. These have established the global legal infrastrucrture for naked state terrorism and fascism.

The US thinly disguises its real intent in the "war on terror", which is to go after and suppress national liberation movements, anti-imperialist forces and leaders and governments assertive of national independence. Before conducting "joint military training exercises" in the Philippines in 2002, US and Philippine officials boasted that after the Abu Sayyaf, they would go after the New People's Army (NPA) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). They have persistently attempted to link the Abu Sayyaf and MILF, as well as the MILF with the NPA in order to conjure the illusion of a chain of "terrorist" cooperation among them.

The US has designated the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), NPA and the NDFP Chief Political consultant as "terrorists", and has pressured other governments to do likewise since 2002. The Arroyo government has subsequently suspended formal talks with the NDFP and used the "terrorist" tag and the threat of intensifying US-backed military offensives in order to coerce the NDFP to capitulate through a one-sided "formal peace accord" (a document of surrender) written by the Arroyo government.

Since the first post-9/11 "joint military exercise", the Arroyo government has declared "all out war" against the CPP-NPA-NDFP and has deployed the Philippine Army light infantry companies trained by the US Special Forces in Basilan and elsewhere to the NPA-controlled areas. Half of the USD 55 million aid for counterterrorism was allotted to offensive operations against the NPA. Joint US-RP military exercises were subsequently held in and around NPA-controlled areas in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.

The US war of terror and the subservience of the Arroyo regime have sabotaged the peace negotiations between the Philippine government and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines and have escalated the armed counterrevolution against the Filipino people. In directing the Arroyo regime to carry out an all-out war policy, the US aims to increase its military intervention in the Philippines, deploy US troops, build military facilities and pave the way for the return of US military bases.

III. Cooperation and Networking for Campaigns

There is a need for us to wage a region-wide campaign for the abrogation of military and security agreements and arrangements with the US, and for the dismantling of US military bases in the region. We must encourage the people to struggle against US militarism and terrorism, especially in countries where US military power is deeply entrenched. In this way the nations and peoples of East Asia and Oceania attain genuine independence, uphold their national and economic sovereignty, and build a truly free, democratic, prosperous and peaceful region.

The decision to launch a regional campaign to dismantle the US bases in the East Asia and Oceania region is quite timely and deserves our unanimous agreement and concerted efforts. There are robust and vibrant anti-bases formations and movements in countries where there are US bases, stations, facilities, advisors and trainors and other forms of military presence, especially in Japan and South Korea, Australia, Philippines and Indonesia. There is the Asia-Wide Campaign against US bases. We should strive to cooperate and coordinate with these formations and movements and help to expand, strengthen and further activate them. We can also establish new formations and movements where possible and necessary.

The US and other imperialist powers, the militarists and the local fascist reactionaries are the real terrorists, by the correct definition of terrorism as organized violence solely or mainly against the people or civilian population. We must launch a campaign to expose and oppose their use of superior military and economic power to coerce the nations and peoples of East Asia and Oceania into following the US imperialist and terrorist agenda, disguised as a "war on terror" for maintaining regional stability and security.

We should wage regional mass campaigns or other forms of coordinated efforts for defending civil and political rights, as well as economic, social and cultural rights. The defense of civil and political rights is closely linked with the campaign to expose and oppose US militarism and the "war on terror", which have become the main prod to the attacks on civil and political rights. This involves exposing and opposing the repressive measures masquerading as "anti-terrorism" and "counterterrorism".

We must strengthen our resolve and strive to reverse and eradicate the evil consequences of the US war of terror in the form of bilateral and multilateral agreements to allow unbridled US aggression and other extraterritorial acts, the policy of state terrorism, fascist legislation and actual bloody campaigns to violate human rights like Oplan Bantay Laya. Otherwise US militarism and terrorism in collaboration with the local regimes and ultra-reactionaries in the region will continue to violate human rights in a comprehensive way and inflict terrible suffering on the people.

The campaign to defend the people's social, economic and cultural rights requires exposing US militarism and the "war on terror" as means for imposing US hegemony over the region, controlling and using strategic resources for its own interest and to the detriment of the peoples of the region. Superior US military power is being employed to promote and facilitate "neoliberal globalization" in the region, so that US monopoly capital can more freely enter the local economies and intensify the exploitation and oppression of the region's peoples.

In all of these campaigns, we need to broaden our knowledge and deepen our understanding of the operations and dynamics of US militarism and "war on terror" in particular countries and in the entire region. We must pay close attention to the impact of US militarism and terrorism on the civil, political, social, economic and cultural lives of the peoples. The various study commissions of the ILPS can contribute significantly to these studies, as the member organizations serve to arouse and mobilize the broad masses of people against US militarism and the "war on terror".

The networks of ILPS, APRN, Peace for Life, APMM, ARENA-New Zealand, APWLD and ASA are sufficiently broad to be able to undertake these campaigns. Good coordination and cooperation will certainly enhance the capabilities of each network as well as the whole. The campaigns can also serve to expand and strengthen each network as it arouses, organizes and mobilizes the people against US militarism and the "war on terror" and along the specific issues to which these are linked.

Internationally, the situation is excellent for launching and carrying out these campaigns. The Bush government faces continuing isolation daily as its global "war on terror", especially the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, are exposed as naked acts of imperialist aggression, and as the valiant resistance of the Afghan and Iraqi people frustrate and defeat the lone superpower's arrogance, rapacity and brutality.

The American people have expressed their unequivocal disapproval of the war in the Middle East and Central Asia, handing over both houses of Congress to the opposition Democrats. The neo-conservatives are in decline and disarray in US policy-making bodies on foreign policy and security. The US government is faced with a sluggish economy and with the threat of another round of recession in the coming year. US imperialism has no solution to its economic and political crisis, and no plan for extracting itself from the Iraqi and Afghan quagmires. The longer it stays in these quagmires the bigger losses it incurs. The so-called realists among US policy-makers are finding grave difficulties seeking a way out of Iraq and upholding US imperialist interests..

The peoples of East Asia and Oceania will certainly join and support the campaigns against US militarism and its war of terror as these will complement and enhance their own struggles for national liberation and social emancipation. The anti-imperialist and democratic movement of the peoples is gaining ground and intensity. The peoples' struggles worldwide will steadily and surely advance to isolate, weaken and eventually defeat US imperialism and other imperialists the world over. ###

http://www.josemariasison.org/inps/USterASPACconfkeynote.htm

RAMSI coordinator says charges laid against number of officials

The Special Coordinator of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands, RAMSI, says charges are being laid against some senior government officials and both provincial and national leaders.

The Solomon Islands Broadcasting corporation reports Timothy George told participants who attended a workshop organised by Transparency Solomon Islands in Honiara this week, that Solomon Islanders are always asking RAMSI to catch the big fish.

He said without a well-governed professional police force, much of the efforts in nation-making, including combating corruption, are likely to be doomed.

Mr George said one of the key bodies now dealing with corruption in the wider community is the Joint Corruption Targeting Taskforce of 14 police investigators drawn from both the Solomon Islands Police Force and RAMSI’s regional Participating Police Force.

He said the Joint Corruption Targeting force, has a very heavy case load, that has already led to charges being laid against two senior government officials, two senior statutory office-holders, three former provincial premiers, five former national ministers and two former prime ministers.

RNZ

baldhead palagi kaka

Ewww worst piece of baldhead palagi kaka I’ve read in a while. , obviously he didn’t eat enough taro and palusami, or drink enough Valima whilst in Samoa and this clown gives security advice and wants to polices us natives in the pacific. 45% of Samoans live in poverty.

Go figure.

Found this article in a nominally right wing pakeha view of the Pacific, blog.

Samoa a vulnerable Paradise.

Eric is a member of AIPIO (Australian Institute of Professional Intelligence Officers) and is currently studying for his Post Graduate Diploma in Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism. Eric can be contacted at intellisec(@)hushmail dot com.

http://pacificempire.org.nz/?p=247

http://www.aipio.asn.au/about.html

Introduction

Samoa, like most other countries in the South Pacific region, will not face security issues posed by the militaries of neighbouring countries. Instead, the threats Samoa will face will come from various other aspects of security such as local and organized crime, especially in the areas of off shore banking and possible money laundering and drugs, illegal economies such as counterfeit goods and corruption within government among others.

In terms of drug trafficking there have been a number of drug seizures. Several were made on the ferry that runs between Samoa and American Samoa. There have also been recent arrests made in relation to methamphetamine (Samoa Observer, 2005).

There has also been an increase in the number of people using marijuana. I have witnessed the dealing in marijuana being conducted quite openly at the markets and was approached by a dealer on my first day living in Samoa.

Samoa is also very vulnerable to natural disasters and climate change. Samoa has endured two devastating cyclones in 1990 and 1991 respectively. These caused widespread devastation and a total of 32 people were killed, 16 in each cyclone.

This paper however will focus on Samoa’s economic vulnerability and Samoa’s vulnerability to pandemics such as Bird Flu, both of which are equally devastating to a small developing nation such as Samoa.

Having lived and worked in Samoa these subjects as well as the country are close to my heart and I have witnessed some of these vulnerabilities first hand.

Overview

At the outbreak of World War I, Samoa was a German protectorate occupied by New Zealand. New Zealand continued to administer Samoa as a mandate until 1962 when Samoa became the first Polynesian nation to re-establish its independence in the 21st Century.

Samoa was known formerly known as Western Samoa but dropped Western from its name in 1997.

Samoa is part of Oceania and is located in the South Pacific Ocean about half way between New Zealand and Hawaii. Samoa lies at the heart of Polynesia.

Ethnically Samoa comprises 92.6% Samoan, 7% Euronesians (people of Polynesian and European decent) and Europeans 0.4% (CIA World Fact Book, 2005). These figures however do not seem to take into account the number of Asians, particularly Japanese and Chinese that call Samoa home. This link with Japan and China will be important later on in this paper and so I wanted to highlight this fact.

Samoa has no military force of its own; it has arrangements with New Zealand under the 1962 Treaty of Friendship, which would require New Zealand to consider any military assistance requested by Samoa.

Samoa comprises two major islands and several smaller ones. Apia the capital is located on Upolu, while Savai’i is the third biggest island in Polynesia and also the more traditional of the two main islands.

A tribal system is still in place and the family unit or Aiga is represented by a Matai or chief who sit on a village fono (council) to enforce rules within the villages.

Samoa is headed by a Prime Minister, currently Tuila’epa Sailele Malielegaoi.

Economic Perspective

Samoa has a market based economy and is heavily reliant on development aid, family remittances from relatives living overseas, agriculture and fishing.

Agriculture accounts for about two thirds of the work force, it accounts for 90% of exports, such as coconut cream, coconut oil and copra. Samoa’s main natural resources are hardwood forests, fish (especially tuna) and hydropower (CIA World Fact Book, 2005).

There is a small manufacturing sector which mainly focuses around the agricultural industry. The largest manufacturing business produces electrical harnesses for the automotive industry in Australia. This plant employs approximately 3,000 people, a significant amount given the population of Samoa which at last census was about 199,000 people (Samoa - Country Reports on Human Rights Practices; US Department of State, 2003).

There is also a large number of Samoan’s living overseas, Australia, New Zealand, Hawaii and California would account for the most significant populations.

In terms of economic vulnerability one only needs to look at Samoa’s major industries, for example fishing and logging of hardwood. Neither of these are sustainable on a large scale over the long term.

Over fishing is a great concern and there has been a decline in fish stocks, especially tuna. In terms of the scale of the tuna industry in Samoa, it is not as large as the industry in American Samoa, which has several major canneries located in and around it’s capital - Pago Pago.

The majority of fishing is rather for subsistence, with catches being sold on the local market, although some are sold on the overseas market, such as Japan. A 10 kilo Yellow Fin Tuna sells at the local market for about $30.00WS (approximately $15.00 Australian).

Over fishing in Samoan waters and surrounding areas is a great concern, this would devastate the industry and the livelihood of many thousands of people, not just in Samoa and American Samoa but other island countries, such as Tonga which also has a great many people working in the tuna industry in Pago Pago.

The local fishermen are already experiencing a decline in tuna numbers, some days there are no tuna at the local markets.

This industry is also prone to environmental factors such as cyclones with even bad storms affecting the fishing industry. If there is a bad storm or cyclone the fishing boats may not be able to go out for days on end. This has a flow on effect across not just Samoa’s economy but other countries that are linked to the tuna industry in Samoa.

As with the fishing industry, logging of Samoa’s hardwood is not sustainable over the long term. The native Ifilele trees are already becoming rare when once they were abundant. While working as a Resort Manager in Savai’i we commissioned an artist to carve a sculpture for the restaurant. We invited him to the resort as we wanted the work to reflect our resorts setting. We had a number of Ifilele tree’s on the resort property. As it turned out the artist had never seen an Ifilele tree in his life. I was both surprised and sad as the Ifilele tree features heavily in Samoan culture.

If we look at bigger countries that have logging industries and the issues with sustainability they have it does not bode well for a small country like Samoa.

The tourism industry is a burgeoning sector within Samoa. With airlines now offering direct flights and money being spent on advertising there will be an increase in the numbers of tourists traveling to Samoa.

However there are several factors which could have a negative impact on the tourism sector.

Firstly, skilled labour to both manage and staff resorts for example, is very hard to come by locally. A lot of Samoa’s skilled labour leaves Samoa to work over seas such as in New Zealand and Australia as they are able to earn a higher wage. This means foreign skilled workers must be imported to fill these positions. It also means most of these foreign workers will be seeking higher salaries than that of local workers. Again, this situation is not sustainable.

The minimum hourly rate in Samoa is $1.70WS ($0.85 Australian). This low hourly rate of pay leads to other problems such as petty crimes. The theft of food and other small items is fairly prevalent, this is something I have witnessed first hand while running the resort and talking with other local business owners.

Secondly, factors outside of Samoa can impact the tourism industry in a negative fashion.

The age of terrorism and high oil prices affects the numbers that may travel overseas due to the high cost of air travel, which in turn will affect Samoa’s economy.

These are factors which could also increase the cost of living in countries where Samoan’s live and as a result this would affect the amount of money they would normally send home for relatives. As mentioned before, remittances from family members living overseas is a major part of Samoa’s economy.

In any country where there is a low income issue various types of crimes appear. These range from petty theft as mentioned previously, through to high level corruption.

There have been multi-million dollar passport scams uncovered in Samoa (Security in Oceania in the 21st Century, 2005, Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies). The investigations went nowhere as it is seen as disrespectful to persons of high rank, for example Matai and government officials, to be accused of criminal acts.

Again, countries, especially developing nations are open to corruption and manipulation not just from within but from other countries and their governments.

Japan for example donated all the ferries that are currently used throughout Samoa. It is not known what Samoa gave to Japan, if anything, but fishing rights would top that list in my eyes. For example, in 2005 Japan awarded millions of Yen in “grant aid” to several countries, including Samoa, in an attempt to buy votes at the International Whaling Commission (McNeil, 2006). So, it would not be the first time something like this occurred.

This could have a very significant impact on fish stocks in Samoa’s territorial waters. That is having large industrialized nation fishing on a large scale in its territorial waters.

After the Tiananmen Square Massacre in Beijing, the Samoan Prime Minister was the first politician to visit China. In return, China built the new Samoa Government Building.

China is now one of the top three donors of aid to the region; it offers aid with no strings attached, or so it seems, unlike Australia and others which ask for good governance of the country. This is seen as China planting the seeds to exert greater influence in the region (Windybank, 2005).

One could argue that this is a war of influence rather than an armed conflict with the prize being greater influence when it come to natural resources.

This type of activity leads to countries or governments at least of developing nations, such as Samoa, being placed in a compromised position, both politically and economically.

Economic Perspective

Samoa has a market based economy and is heavily reliant on development aid, family remittances from relatives living overseas, agriculture and fishing.

Agriculture accounts for about two thirds of the work force, it accounts for 90% of exports, such as coconut cream, coconut oil and copra. Samoa’s main natural resources are hardwood forests, fish (especially tuna) and hydropower (CIA World Fact Book, 2005).

There is a small manufacturing sector which mainly focuses around the agricultural industry. The largest manufacturing business produces electrical harnesses for the automotive industry in Australia. This plant employs approximately 3,000 people, a significant amount given the population of Samoa which at last census was about 199,000 people (Samoa - Country Reports on Human Rights Practices; US Department of State, 2003).

There is also a large number of Samoan’s living overseas, Australia, New Zealand, Hawaii and California would account for the most significant populations.

In terms of economic vulnerability one only needs to look at Samo

a’s major industries, for example fishing and logging of hardwood. Neither of these are sustainable on a large scale over the long term.

Over fishing is a great concern and there has been a decline in fish stocks, especially tuna. In terms of the scale of the tuna industry in Samoa, it is not as large as the industry in American Samoa, which has several major canneries located in and around it’s capital - Pago Pago.

The majority of fishing is rather for subsistence, with catches being sold on the local market, although some are sold on the overseas market, such as Japan. A 10 kilo Yellow Fin Tuna sells at the local market for about $30.00WS (approximately $15.00 Australian).

Over fishing in Samoan waters and surrounding areas is a great concern, this would devastate the industry and the livelihood of many thousands of people, not just in Samoa and American Samoa but other island countries, such as Tonga which also has a great many people working in the tuna industry in Pago Pago.

The local fishermen are already experiencing a decline in tuna numbers, some days there are no tuna at the local markets.

This industry is also prone to environmental factors such as cyclones with even bad storms affecting the fishing industry. If there is a bad storm or cyclone the fishing boats may not be able to go out for days on end. This has a flow on effect across not just Samoa’s economy but other countries that are linked to the tuna industry in Samoa.

As with the fishing industry, logging of Samoa’s hardwood is not sustainable over the long term. The native Ifilele trees are already becoming rare when once they were abundant. While working as a Resort Manager in Savai’i we commissioned an artist to carve a sculpture for the restaurant. We invited him to the resort as we wanted the work to reflect our resorts setting. We had a number of Ifilele tree’s on the resort property. As it turned out the artist had never seen an Ifilele tree in his life. I was both surprised and sad as the Ifilele tree features heavily in Samoan culture.

If we look at bigger countries that have logging industries and the issues with sustainability they have it does not bode well for a small country like Samoa.

The tourism industry is a burgeoning sector within Samoa. With airlines now offering direct flights and money being spent on advertising there will be an increase in the numbers of tourists traveling to Samoa.

However there are several factors which could have a negative impact on the tourism sector.

Firstly, skilled labour to both manage and staff resorts for example, is very hard to come by locally. A lot of Samoa’s skilled labour leaves Samoa to work over seas such as in New Zealand and Australia as they are able to earn a higher wage. This means foreign skilled workers must be imported to fill these positions. It also means most of these foreign workers will be seeking higher salaries than that of local workers. Again, this situation is not sustainable.

The minimum hourly rate in Samoa is $1.70WS ($0.85 Australian). This low hourly rate of pay leads to other problems such as petty crimes. The theft of food and other small items is fairly prevalent, this is something I have witnessed first hand while running the resort and talking with other local business owners.

Secondly, factors outside of Samoa can impact the tourism industry in a negative fashion.

The age of terrorism and high oil prices affects the numbers that may travel overseas due to the high cost of air travel, which in turn will affect Samoa’s economy.

These are factors which could also increase the cost of living in countries where Samoan’s live and as a result this would affect the amount of money they would normally send home for relatives. As mentioned before, remittances from family members living overseas is a major part of Samoa’s economy.

In any country where there is a low income issue various types of crimes appear. These range from petty theft as mentioned previously, through to high level corruption.

There have been multi-million dollar passport scams uncovered in Samoa (Security in Oceania in the 21st Century, 2005, Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies). The investigations went nowhere as it is seen as disrespectful to persons of high rank, for example Matai and government officials, to be accused of criminal acts.

Again, countries, especially developing nations are open to corruption and manipulation not just from within but from other countries and their governments.

Japan for example donated all the ferries that are currently used throughout Samoa. It is not known what Samoa gave to Japan, if anything, but fishing rights would top that list in my eyes. For example, in 2005 Japan awarded millions of Yen in “grant aid” to several countries, including Samoa, in an attempt to buy votes at the International Whaling Commission (McNeil, 2006). So, it would not be the first time something like this occurred.

This could have a very significant impact on fish stocks in Samoa’s territorial waters. That is having large industrialized nation fishing on a large scale in its territorial waters.

After the Tiananmen Square Massacre in Beijing, the Samoan Prime Minister was the first politician to visit China. In return, China built the new Samoa Government Building.

China is now one of the top three donors of aid to the region; it offers aid with no strings attached, or so it seems, unlike Australia and others which ask for good governance of the country. This is seen as China planting the seeds to exert greater influence in the region (Windybank, 2005).

One could argue that this is a war of influence rather than an armed conflict with the prize being greater influence when it come to natural resources.

This type of activity leads to countries or governments at least of developing nations, such as Samoa, being placed in a compromised position, both politically and economically.

Pandemic Vulnerability

In 1918 and 1919 the Spanish Flu had devastating affects on populations around the world. The global mortality rate is not known but it is estimated at around 2.5% to 5% of the world’s population, with 20% of the world’s population suffering from the Spanish Flu to some extent (Wikipedia, 2006).

Samoa’s population was particularly badly hit by the Spanish Flu with 22% of its population killed. Samoa’s population in 1918 and 1919 would have been significantly lower, so this loss of life would be magnified to a much greater extent if such a pandemic were to happen today. Even with a population of 199,000, 22% of the total population is a massive number.

All this leads to questions being raised about the world’s ability to cope with a pandemic of Bird Flu. Countries that have a modern medical system and the latest in both medical equipment and pharmaceutical manufacturing are in a much better position to cope with such a pandemic.
Countries such as Samoa, who are listed among the Least Developed Countries by the United Nations, would struggle to cope.

Firstly Samoa would struggle to cope with the numbers of sick and dying and secondly it would struggle to recover.

Samoa has one national hospital located at Vailima, just outside of the capital of Apia on the main island of Upolu. This hospital is the most up to date and best equipped in the country. There are regional hospitals throughout the main island of Upolu as well as Savai’i. There is also a major hospital at Tuasivi on Savai’i and although it is the most modern on Savai’i, it is not at the level of the National Hospital at Vailima.

There is also a private hospital, the Medcen, also located at Vailima which is well equipped and modern. But with this hospital costing around $300.00WS as day, it is out of reach for most Samoan’s.

Recently Samoa experienced a major health crisis, with Doctors going on strike over pay conditions. Doctors in Samoa receive about $30,000.00WS (approximately $15,000.00AU) after completing six years university. Subsequently a lot of Samoa’s Doctors and Nurses move overseas to work. This relates back to earlier points about a shortage of skilled labour within the country. And it is noticeable in the hospitals as a lot of the doctors are from other countries, and in a lot of cases are employed in Samoa through the World Health Organisation (WHO).

The doctors’ strike lasted for approximately 5 months when Samoa’s Prime Minister gave the doctors an ultimatum; return to work or be sacked. The doctors then proceeded to resign rather than return to work.

This lead to a major crisis, with hospitals around the country having no doctors. The national hospital at Vailima had two doctors working, and the Medcen private hospital was staffed. But regional hospitals were left with no doctors at all.

During this period any one who was severely ill was being flown out of the country to New Zealand. But of course this situation does not help those that need immediate medical attention, where a flight could jeopardise their life.

In terms of medications such as vaccinations for the Bird Flu, Samoa would be reliant on either New Zealand or Australia to lend assistance and supply them with the required medications.

Samoa already relies heavily on donated medications and through various funds set up to help developing nations. It is not uncommon in Samoa to find prescribed medications past the expiry date and still being sold and used.

As I touched on earlier, Samoa has a population of both Japanese and Chinese that live and or work in Samoa. This connection could potentially expose Samoa to the threat of Bird Flu spreading to Samoa. Both Japan and China have experienced cases of Bird Flu. Since 2003 China has recorded 21 cases of Bird Flu, with 14 total deaths. This is a very high mortality rate for people who contract the disease (Cumulative Number of Confirmed Human Cases of Avian Influenza, 2006, WHO).

Another aspect that poses a threat to Samoa with regards to the spread of Bird Flu is the fact the Apia harbour is one of the major shipping ports in the South Pacific. Many products in Samoa originate in places such as China and come into the country aboard ships to Apia.

An interesting point to raise here is that if we are comparing the spread of Spanish Flu to that of Bird Flu, one of the theories that has been presented is that the Spanish Flu began to spread through port cities. Apia is a perfect example of a port city. It is thought that in 1918 the Spanish Flu virus mutated and spread to three port cities, Freetown, Sierra Leone; Brest, France and Boston, Massachusetts (Lessons from the 1918 Spanish Flu – Part I, 2006, Duncan).

It is not too far a leap of the imagination to assume that Bird Flu may spread in a similar fashion.

Considering other major pandemics to hit the world spread around the globe in six to nine months, it is thought in this age of globalization it would take as little as three months.

The World Health Organization believes that once a contagious virus emerges, its global spread is inevitable in this day and age and that all countries will be affected (WHO, 2006).

Given Samoa’s loose border control and lack of medical infrastructure, it remains at great risk of a population decimating pandemic such as the Bird Flu scenario given by the World Health Organization.

Future Paradise

Samoa needs to continue to develop policies that move towards economic stability. They also need to encourage local industry development to ensure economic stability. As we have seen the major industries in Samoa at present such as the tuna industry may not be sustainable over the long term. Samoa needs to plan for this and diversify its industry.

The tourism industry needs to continue to be nurtured as it is the biggest growing industry at present in Samoa. There have been steps taken to develop skilled labour within the country for the tourism sector. The Samoa Tourism Authority for example runs training days that are free of charge for resort workers. This training is in areas of customer service and food hygiene to name just two. This is a positive step to ensuring the tourism industry survives and contribute in a positive way to Samoa’s economy.

In terms of protecting itself from a major pandemic such as Bird Flu, hospitals must be fully stocked and staffed to have any chance of coping with such an outbreak of a deadly disease.
Putting in place agreements with countries such as New Zealand and Australia, supply of medications needed to treat Bird Flu, and have a stock pile of vaccines for Bird Flu is crucial.

Samoa needs to take part in regional planning to prepare itself to deal with an outbreak of Bird Flu, as well as an awareness program set up to provide the public with the knowledge needed to identify possible cases of Bird Flu and how to seek treatment.

Bibliography

• CIA, (2006), CIA World Fact Book, Central Intelligence Agency.
• Duncan, K (2006), “Lessons from the 1918 Spanish Flu”, PERI Symposium.
• Malielegaoi, T.S. (2006), Statement to UN at Review of Least Developed Nations, United Nations.
• McNeil, D (2006), “Revealed: Japans Secret Whaling ‘Shopping List’”, Independent UK.
• Nickel-Leaupepe, J (2005) 4. District Hospitals to get doctors: PM.
• Cabinet needs more time to look at the Commission of Enquiry’s Report, LeSamoa.
• Shibuya, E and Rolf, J (2003) Security in Oceania in the 21st Century, Asia-Pacific Centre for Security Studies.
• STA (2004), October Monthly Newsletter, Samoa Tourism Authority.
• US Department of State, Samoa - Country Reports on Human Rights, (2004), Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
• Wikipedia (2006), Spanish Flu, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_flu
• Windybank (2005), “The China Syndrome”, Policy.
• World Health Organisation (2006) Cumulative Number of Confirmed Human Cases of Avian Influenza A/(H5N1) Reported to WHO.